The most damaging hit was his vote to confirm Brett Kavanaugh to the federal bench in 2006. Kavanaugh is now before the Senate as Donald Trump’s nominee to the Supreme Court. The racial dynamic in the survey was apparent, the sources said. Roughly a third of the Democratic primary turnout is expected to be African-American, and they made up his strongest base of support. But once Black voters learned of his criminal justice record and his links with the banking industry, support flipped to Harris, a wider swing than among white voters. Harris, meanwhile, led among voters under 40, but was losing badly among those who are older, which tend to make up most of the primary electorate.
Drew Serres, Harris’s campaign manager, said that Carper is bothered by the charge that he is corporate-friendly “because he doesn’t even view it as being a bad thing. He’s like, this is the Delaware Way. This is how you help people.”
But the debate, and its lack of distribution, is also a window into how Carper has remained so popular. It was the first time his record was publicly challenged by a fellow Democrat in a serious way, and while it was a packed auditorium, it was not broadcast anywhere on television, instead relegated to streaming
on the News Journal website. Delaware is not its own TV market, and Philadelphia stations have little interest in what happens down there. Carper’s legislative career has not been covered in any real way by the local media, which instead highlight only his major achievements or attendance at parades. The past several days featured headlines touting Carper, in the wake of the passing of John McCain, as the lone remaining Vietnam veteran in the Senate — a record of service he proudly noted in his opening statement.
Take, for example, Carper’s two terms as Delaware’s governor. His glide path to the governor’s mansion was smoothed by the Delaware Way, with a move that became known in local lore as “the Swap”: Outgoing Republican Gov. Mike Castle took Carper’s House seat, with neither facing serious opposition from the other party.
One of Carper’s crowning achievements as governor was to persuade AstraZeneca to locate its U.S. headquarters in Delaware. The uneven results give a hint as to why Delaware voters may be souring on the Delaware Way.
Carper put together a package of grants and tax credits of record size, forking over $41 million in incentives to AstraZeneca, plus another $70 million spent on roads and infrastructure upgrades for the campus.
In exchange, the pharmaceutical giant promised to boost its local workforce from 2,400 to 4,000 by 2004. It hit that target, hiring 5,000 people by 2005, but things have gone south since, with layoffs leaving just 1,500 workers — fewer than were employed before the eye-popping corporate giveaway. Last year,
the company sold its campus, leasing back a portion of the space for its remaining crew. “Ultimately, that deal made a whole lot of sense,” Carper told the News Journal at the time. “Do I wish they still had 4,500 employees? You bet. But I’m glad they still have 1,500. Not a lot of employers in Delaware have that many.”
(While Carper didn’t vote for this round of tax cuts, he was one of a few Democrats to vote against partially repealing George W. Bush’s tax cuts.)
In 2000, Carper was elected senator for the first time. He quickly went to work for the credit card industry, which has a dominant presence in the state, becoming a leading advocate of bankruptcy reform, the battle that first brought Elizabeth Warren into national politics. “The Bankruptcy Reform Act injects a measure of fairness into the current law. It reduces credit abuse by ensuring those who can repay a portion of their debts, do,” Carper said at the time. By “credit abuse,” Carper was referring to bankruptcy laws that allowed “struggling families” to discharge their debts. The goal of the bill — which was successful — was to make it far more difficult for people in debt to file for bankruptcy.
Warren warned that it would be devastating for people facing hardship, and indeed it has been. It’s part of Carper’s
40-year love affair with home-state banking interests in Delaware.
Without compromise, a pluralistic political system can’t function. But Carper sometimes takes it to absurdity. In 2014, Carper hailed Obama’s agreement with China on tackling climate change. “Yesterday’s climate change agreement with China is yet another example that when the United States takes a leadership role in addressing our greatest global environmental challenges – other countries will follow,” he said.
Later that same day, he announced he’d be supporting the Keystone XL pipeline for a rather extraordinary reason. “Enough already,”
he said. “Let’s clear the decks.”
The story continues under Trump. In 2018, Carper has voted for at least 12 Trump nominees to the federal bench or to his administration, including a crucial vote to make Big Pharma executive Alex Azar the secretary of health and human services. He was also one of a handful of Democrats to join with Republicans to roll back parts of Dodd-Frank’s Wall Street reform.
“I don’t know how it is in New York City or places like that,” he said. “Here in Delaware, people want us to do what’s right, but at the end of the day they want us to work toward principled compromises.
A Washington Post reporter followed up to ask if he regretted voting to confirm Trump administration officials now that he’s being criticized for it.
“I think the jury’s out,” he said. “Azar’s been there for several months. Perry’s been there for a little bit longer. One of the things people liked about Perry was the explosion of renewable energy in Texas when he was governor.”
After a divorce from his first wife, Carper remarried two years later, this time to Martha Ann Stacy Carper, an executive at the most powerful corporation in Delaware — DuPont. In 1986, real wealth begins to appear on Carper’s financial disclosures, in the form of his wife’s holdings in DuPont and other companies.
That same decade, Carper wrestled with the old-school bosses who ran the Delaware Democratic Party, successfully ousting a union leader who’d long been a party honcho in New Castle County, helping to replace him with a DuPont chemist. The transformation of the party paved the way for Carper’s rise.