Are you an Immigrant?No, I don't think you understand. John Tanton established an organization called FAIR (Federation for American Immigration Reform). Tanton is a white supremacist racial eugenicist, and used FAIR to support most anti-immigration political movements in this country.
A tactic FAIR uses is use front groups--groups that purport to support one thing, but really work for the motives of their secret sponsors--in this case, Tanton and his white supremacist homies like Jared Taylor. You can read some about it here.
SPLC Report: Nativists Appealing to Environmentalists are 'Wolves in Sheep's Clothing'
One front group FAIR uses is PRIF, which purport to be liberal environmentalist group that claims that immigrants are hurting the environment. YVETTE CARNELL IS ON THE BOARD OF PRIF.
Another front group used by FAIR, is Choose Black America, which Jesse Lee Peterson served on. Choose Black America purports to be pro-black and claims illegal immigration is hurting black Americans.
Choose Black America was set up by a white man, who also set up another FAIR front group, this one a latino one called You Don't Speak For Me!
Do you understand now? These front groups don't actually serve the interest they're claiming. They're all about pushing anti-immigration and white supremacist policies. The front groups are used to obscure the motive to their propaganda targets.
So no, they do not support reparations. They support anti-immigration and white supremacist policies. Reparations is just a propaganda tool...a selling point.
Also, I dgaf about no neg, hoe. Mind your business and you won't get your feelings hurt.
This kind of turned me on for some reason
No I’m not.Are you an Immigrant?
Edit: Never mind you are an immigrant.
Calling all immigration reform opponents! Monday is the day to stand up and be counted at the D.C. March for Jobs, as tea-party protesters will convene on Freedom Plaza before making their way to the Capitol. Scheduled speakers include Sen. Ted Cruz, Reps. Steve King and Mo Brooks, and former Rep. Allen West. Their theme for the day: Just Say “No” to Amnesty.
What makes this protest different from other protests? Officially, it’s being hosted not by any Tea Party affiliate but by the Black American Leadership Alliance, a self-described nonprofit dedicated to “Protecting the Futures of Black Americans.” Multiple BALA members, including founder Leah Durant, will speak at the rally, along with other ministers and activists from the black community. Message to critics: Take all your snotty assumptions about immigration opponents being a bunch of racist white folk and shove ‘em.
In early June, BALA issued an open letter (PDF) to the Senate Gang of Eight and lawmakers from states with high rates of black unemployment. In it, BALA laid out the economic case against immigration vis a vis the black community, called on legislators to recognize the “devastating effects of amnesty and mass immigration” on African Americans in particular, and “implor[ed] each Member to fulfill his or her duty to the millions of Americans struggling to find work” by rejecting the current Senate bill and instead pushing to reduce immigration, legal and illegal alike. Since then, BALA’s phone has been ringing off the hook with media requests, and its members—notably Durant, a former Justice Department attorney—are burning up the TV and radio circuit, their message having found a particularly receptive audience among conservative media hosts. (Bill O’Reilly, Laura Ingraham, Mike Huckabee, Glen Beck…) The Daily Callerhas written excitedly about their efforts, as has National Review. And Tea Party folks sound downright giddy discussing their new partners.
BALA leaders, meanwhile, enthuse about the wave of public attention their cause is receiving. In a phone interview Wednesday, Durant proclaimed herself “heartened” by the “outpouring of interest and support from people all over the country.” She told me, “What we’re seeing are large segments of the population who feel like they have not been able to insert themselves into the discussion.”
That said, BALA isn’t your classic grassroots protest movement. Although it is technically a new player on the political scene—it popped up mid-May, with the launch of a Facebook page—its leaders are not. Among the group’s dozen or so members are several seasoned activists who have long been conducting this same anti-immigration crusade by means of an evolving series of similar groups. The organizations’ names change—BALA, the African American Leadership Council, Choose Black America, the Coalition for the Future American Worker—but the message remains constant: Immigration is killing the black community. It’s a simplistic, us-vs.-them argument that some black leaders find misleading, dangerously divisive, and sadly predictable. “We’ve seen this before,” says Wade Henderson, president of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights. “This is the same page pulled from an over-20-year-old playbook.”
But questions regarding BALA go beyond the particulars of its current message. Several of the group’s leaders—Durant, Frank Morris, the Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson, and T. Willard Fair—have longstanding ties with the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) and other controversial groups in the broader anti-immigration movement. Most of these groups emerged from a network created beginning in the late 1970s by John Tanton, the father of the modern anti-immigration movement, whose flirtations with white nationalism and eugenics (and whose enduring chumminess with devotees of both) have been documented at length by anti-extremist watchdog groups such as the ADL, the Chicago-based Center for New Community and others. The Southern Poverty Law Center has gone as far as to designate FAIR, the Tanton network’s mothership, a “hate group.” (FAIR unsurprisingly rejects this classification.) Among the group’s eyebrow-raising moves was accepting $1.2 million dollars in funding from the pro-eugenics, white-supremacist Pioneer Fund in the 1980s and ‘90s. (You can read more about the history of FAIR and Tanton’s related groups here (PDF), here, and here)
As a result of the many links between BALA’s leaders and the Tanton network, hate-group watchdogs have expressed concern that the organization is merely the latest in a series of minority front groups providing anti-immigration extremists cover from charges of racism. “It’s blatant tokenism,” says Aaron Flanagan of the Center for New Community. “And tokenism is not a word I use lightly.” Henderson is more diplomatic: “It’s troubling when opportunists use the economic challenges of the African-American community as cover for ideological and political extremism to align themselves with groups like FAIR, which had their own genesis in the eugenics movement.”
The tangle of groups, funders, and leaders in the black anti-immigration effort—as in the broader movement—can be hard to follow. (This is not an accident, asserts Flanagan.) But outfits such as the Southern Poverty Law Center and the Center for New Community have done yeoman’s work connecting the dots.
For instance, BALA founder and media star Leah Durant now serves as executive director of the dubiously named Progressives for Immigration Reform, a group that seeks less to reform immigration than to halt it altogether. Last year, PFIR ran a national ad campaign criticizing the government for issuing so many green cards and calling on leaders to “reduce mass immigration until all Americans are back to work.” (The Center for New Community has written repeatedly about PFIR’s ties to the Tanton network [PDF].) - Prior to PFIR, Durant worked as an attorney for FAIR’s legal arm, the Immigration Reform Law Institute, currently home to the legal minds behind the controversial anti-immigration laws passed by states such as Arizona and Alabama.
Similarly, BALA’s Frank Morris sits on the boards of FAIR and its think-tank offshoot, the Center for Immigration Studies, as well as on the advisory board of the Carrying Capacity Network, an anti-immigration/population stabilization group with some downright unsavory leaders. (One of CCN’s veteran board members—and its former chairman—is Virginia Abernethy, a self-proclaimed “ethnic separatist” with multiple ties to the neo-confederate Council of Concerned Citizens.) Morris also served as chairman of the now-defunct Choose Black America, a BALA-liked group born during the last big push for immigration reform in the mid-2000s. Displaying a gift for hyperbole, CBA’s web site warned: “Mass illegal immigration has been the single greatest impediment to black advancement in this country over the past 25 years.” A FAIR offshoot, CBA’s debut was announced at a May 2006 FAIR-sponsored press conference at the National Press Club in Washington, DC—a move reminiscent of the press conference held at the Press Club this April by the African American Leadership Council, which, in May, changed its name and became BALA. (Durant says the name was changed because several members preferred to be identified as “Black Americans” rather than “African Americans.”) The AALC press event, reports the Center for New Community, was being run out of the offices of Durant’s group PFIR, on whose board Morris also sits.
T. Willard Fair, another BALA member, also has a notable history of anti-immigrant activism. Like Morris, he is a board member of the FAIR think tank, the Center for Immigration Studies. Back in 2007, he appeared prominently in an ad campaign sponsored by the Coalition for the Future American Worker, a FAIR-related anti-immigration group aimed at organized labor. The ad featured a large headshot of Fair, identified simply as “Civil Rights Leader for the last 40 years,” accompanied by the usual dire warnings about immigration’s negative impact on African Americans. (Snippet: “Black Americans have lost hundreds of thousands of jobs to foreign workers willing to work for next to nothing. And the hiring of low-skilled immigrants is responsible for 40 percent of the decline in employment among Black American men.”) Around that same time, Fair testified against immigration reform before a House subcommittee.
But perhaps BALA’s most colorful character is the Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson, a one-time member of Choose Black America and the founder of BOND (The Brotherhood Organization of a New Destiny), a nonprofit with the motto “Rebuilding the Family by Rebuilding the Man.” A harder-than-hard-core conservative and professional provocateur, Peterson is an equal-opportunity offender. Immigrants, in fact, arguably get softer treatment from him than do women and his fellow African-Americans. He has declared that giving women the vote is “one of the greatest mistakes America ever made” and claimed that “wherever woman reigns, evil is taking over.” Perhaps more notable still, he is forever decrying “black racism,” which he sees pretty much everywhere. His July 2 column for World Net Daily, for example, bore the headline, “Black racism killed Trayvon…and Paula Deen’s career.” Peterson has asserted that blacks should be put back “on the plantation so they would understand the ethic of working,” declared the NAACP to be “no different than the KKK,” and claimed that President Obama “hates white Americans—especially white men.” In short, if something is coming out of Peterson’s mouth, there’s a good chance it, at best, borders on hate speech.
Asked whether she is concerned that the toxic talk that has emanated from some of her colleagues might muddy BALA’s message, Durant demurs: “I feel it’s important that everyone can have a voice in this issue.” People with divergent viewpoints, she contends, “only help enrich the discussion.”
Similarly, Durant declares herself unperturbed by the more controversial positions of her own past employer, FAIR. “I don’t really focus on the backgrounds or controversial statements about other issues,” she tells me. “For us, this really is a single issue we’re focusing on.”
Without question, the economic impact of immigration on African Americans is a pressing issue, one of great concern to many in the black community. But with a subject as inflammatory as this one, both the message and its messengers merit close scrutiny—regardless of skin color.
You've been shyt posting all over this thread but this post is especially dumb.This is how simple minded you are. You made a whole gotcha thread based on nothing. #ADOS is not solely about reparations. We're also against illegal immigration bc, as proven, it doesn't benefit us. You'd know this if you'd evinced even a modicum of intellectual curiosity and, idk, googled it? Or gone to ados101.com, a link we've given over and over and over. Many ADOS luminaries, both past and present, agree with our reading. Immigration devalues our labor, illegal immigration even more so. No amount of philosophizing will change facts.
Also, I dgaf about no neg, hoe. Mind your business and you won't get your feelings hurt.
continued...A few years ago, anti-immigration ads began popping up in a number of progressive magazines, including this one. The ads displayed an environmental wasteland and suggested that immigrants were somehow the cause -- one showed an image of a congested highway with an adjoining paragraph about how immigration contributes to commuter traffic.
The ads were purchased by a network of anti-immigration organizations, all of them with ties to a man named John Tanton. According to the Center for New Community, which monitors the white nationalist movement, Tanton has fostered over a dozen groups that work to reduce immigration. Six of these organizations, including the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), have been cataloged as "hate groups" by the Southern Poverty Law Center, but Tanton doesn't seem bothered by his critics. He even framed a copy of the center's 2002 investigation of him (titled "The Puppeteer") and hung it in his office.
Tanton is not the financier of this network -- his pockets only go so deep -- but he could safely be called its architect. In 1985, for instance, he decided that the movement required an "independent" think tank, and shortly thereafter the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) was founded. Otis Graham, an old friend of Tanton's, was named chair of the board. ("I'm a great believer in cronyism," Tanton has said, only somewhat facetiously.) The center remained under FAIR's umbrella for only six months; it seceded quickly enough that barely a trace of their former connection remains. Devin Burghart, a civil-rights activist who writes frequently about the anti-immigration movement, has said that Tanton has done for immigration politics "what Pat Robertson did for the Christian right. As a tactician, he's done a brilliant job."
A retired ophthalmologist, Tanton lives in Petoskey, Michigan, with his wife, Mary Lou. He has a ho-hum manner, referring to himself as a "farm boy," and waxing poetic about his backyard beekeeping operation. ("It raises interesting questions about the human enterprise," Tanton has said of the beehive.) He views people as primarily a nuisance and thinks that there should be far fewer of them. Before he founded FAIR in 1979, Tanton spent his free time on environmentalist initiatives, particularly those concerned about overpopulation. In the 1970s, he was president of Zero Population Growth and chair of his local Sierra Club chapter's population committee. But these days, his many affiliated organizations have few ties to the environmentalist community. FAIR publishes reports about the environmental impact of immigration once, maybe twice, a year; other groups will hold an event on the topic during slow news cycles.
Tanton's brand depends on a light touch. With few exceptions, such as FAIR, where he remains on the board, and The Social Contract, a quarterly magazine he founded in 1990, his name isn't attached to his initiatives. This allows the groups not to be burdened by his reputation, or one another's. NumbersUSA, which is led by a longtime colleague of Tanton's, can present itself as the gentler, more liberal arm of the immigration-restriction movement, while The Social Contract invites well-known conservatives and white nationalists to its annual workshops. This way, when they work together it appears like a magnanimous bipartisan effort, rather than what it is: a collaborative decades in the making.
Each of the organizations under Tanton's umbrella have concluded, perhaps not independently, that immigration should be reduced from almost a million people a year to less than 300,000, a return to pre-1965 immigration levels, before Congress abolished "national origins" quotas. They agree, too, that children born in the United States to undocumented parents should not be given citizenship -- the Fourteenth Amendment notwithstanding. In addition to the power of the network, many of these groups are influential on their own; NumbersUSA has a million members, and the CIS distributes its reports, according to its current director Mark Krikorian, "to every office in Capitol Hill."
The fact that many of these organizations are known as being conservative -- or even racist -- makes their ideas a hard sell among liberals and people of color. So new groups were formed to target those particular audiences. In 2006, FAIR spawned the short-lived Choose Black America, which only drummed up about 50 members, and the Hispanic American group You Don't Speak for Me, which was formed just in time for the "Day Without Immigrants" marches and petered out shortly after. The cover story of an issue of The Social Contract last year was a profile of Leah Durant, the executive director of Progressives for Immigration Reform.
PFIR, which launched in 2009, bills itself as an environmentalist group and argues that immigration "will only lead to more sprawl, more congestion, more pollution, and more degradation." The interviewer asked Durant if liberals were in a better place to influence policy, given the Democratic majority in Congress. Yes, replied Durant, who is only in her 30s but has mastered the delicate and ambiguous prose of politicking. "We believe that it is likely among liberals and Democrats who control both houses of Congress that the immigration issue will be decided. PFIR is in a key position to help determine the outcome."
Talking Points Memo has called PFIR "the latest front group of the anti-immigrant John Tanton Network." The organization has tried to downplay its connection to Tanton: The fact that Durant used to work as an attorney at FAIR -- before her tenure at the Justice Department in the George W. Bush administration -- is absent from her bio on PFIR's Web site. In fact, no ties to FAIR are disclosed on PFIR's site, despite a number of overlaps. Frank Morris, the vice president of the group, and Richard Lamm, a board member, have leadership roles at FAIR. Lamm, a Democrat and the former governor of Colorado, and Tanton are old friends. In 2004, Lamm made a widely circulated speech titled "I have a Plan to Destroy America," in which he warned that diversity only brings "turmoil, tension, and tragedy."
Durant (who did not respond to requests for comment), an African American woman and a self-described progressive, is chummy with a number of Tanton-affiliated groups. She attended a workshop hosted by The Social Contract in October and has been corresponding with Peter Brimelow, the editor of VDARE, an online publication funded in part by Tanton, about writing a piece for him. VDARE is named after Virginia Dare, the first English child to be born in the colonies, and while Brimelow refutes that the magazine's views are "white nationalist," its Web site is primarily dedicated to grumbling about multiculturalism. When I asked Brimelow if he was surprised that Durant would be willing to write for him, he responded, "You mean why she's comfortable writing for a group associated with the KKK?"
PFIR assumes that liberals are concerned about the environmental effects of immigration but are too politically correct to say so. The group's only video advertisement features a young man wearing flannel and with a tidy amount of scruff on his face -- he'd blend in easily in Park Slope, Brooklyn. "Concerned about America's huge carbon footprint? Then you should be concerned about immigration," he says. Then he looks at the camera and shrugs his shoulders as if to say, "This is hard for me to admit, too."
In 1970, just months after the first Earth Day, Tanton attended a conference in Chicago called the Congress on Population and the Environment. He was seated -- by "serendipity," in Tanton's telling -- next to William Paddock, the co-author of Famine, 1975!, which argued that most people had just over five years to live. Paddock "took a little bit of shine to me," Tanton recalls, and introduced him to the juggernauts of the population-control movement. Among them were Willard Wirtz, the former secretary of Labor, and Garrett Hardin, a well-known author and a founder of the environmental studies program at the University of California, Santa Barbara. (Hardin believed that the elderly ought to be sparing, and so in 2003, just days after his 62nd wedding anniversary, both he and his wife committed suicide.)
Concern about overpopulation was all the rage in the 1970s. Paul Ehrlich's 1968 best seller, The Population Bomb, predicted that in "the 1970's the world will undergo famines -- hundreds of millions of people are going to starve to death." Even in the United States, Ehrlich warned, the time of "vast agricultural surpluses are gone." Ehrlich was the perfect prophet for the television age; he spoke in punchy headlines and became a regular guest on The Tonight Show. He was one of those rare pop professors who maintained his reputation among his colleagues. David Brower, the first executive director of the Sierra Club, held Ehrlich in high esteem; it was Brower who beseeched him to write the book in the first place.
But as the 1970s passed, food supplies actually improved: 37 percent of the global population was starving in 1969, compared to about 15 percent today. William Freudenburg, an environmental-studies professor in Hardin's program at U.C. Santa Barbara, says that by the mid-1980s he realized that overpopulation, especially in the United States, was a "distraction." Environmentalists in the 1970s were too focused on individual consumption: "Eighty-nine percent of all resource use and loss in the U.S. economy comes from organized producers, not individual consumers," Freudenburg says. "All of the stuff we usually focus on -- recycling our paper, aluminum cans, and everything else we buy -- comes to about 3 percent of the total."
Population control always sounded dangerously close to social Darwinism -- Thomas Malthus, the first demographer to warn of the dangers of overpopulation, believed that the government should discourage the poor from having children. After China instituted its one-child policy in the late 1970s and rumors of female infanticide and forced sterilization started circulating, "population control" began appearing in quotes in United Nations reports; it made people a bit queasy. The reproductive-rights movement shifted its lexicon as well. Tanton, who had become the president of the Northern Michigan branch of Planned Parenthood in 1965, stepped down from his post in 1971 when a woman's right to control her own body -- rather than population control -- became the dominant talking point about abortion.
In his first forays into anti-immigration activism, Tanton called attention to his conservationist background. He founded FAIR in 1979 and named Roger Conner, an environmental lawyer, as the executive director. An early profile of FAIR in The Ann Arbor News states, "Tanton started FAIR ... because he is concerned about what an unstemmed tide of refugees will do to the nation's resources. Conner, who has been active in the Michigan environmental movement since the early 1970s, agreed to serve as FAIR's executive director for the same reason."
But concerns over the environmental effects of immigration didn't seem to resonate with the public. FAIR quickly shifted its talking points to issues that did, claiming that excess immigration poses an affront on American culture, contributes to rising crime rates, and steals jobs from American workers. In 1983, Tanton founded U.S. English, which sought to make English the official national language, in part to fund his other initiatives. "This was the cash cow," says Linda Chavez, who served as the president of U.S. English after stepping down as President Ronald Reagan's public liaison. "It was a lucrative issue. We had a $7 [million] or $8 million budget."
Over the years, Tanton's network became more enmeshed with the white nationalist movement. Between 1985 and 1994, FAIR received $1.2 million from the Pioneer Fund, a eugenics research group, and Tanton started corresponding with a number of well-known white nationalists, including Wayne Lutton, who is now the editor of The Social Contract.
To this day, Tanton calls himself a "progressive," both in the Teddy Roosevelt sense, with his evangelical pride for the American way, and in his political leanings -- he has voted for Ralph Nader several times. Brimelow, the editor of VDARE, tells me that Tanton is motivated by a "genuine interest in trees," while Tanton's critics argue that his environmentalism is just a cover-up for his racist agenda. Although Tanton does like trees -- he has a favorite pair of ashes in the forest just north of his house -- he obviously likes white nationalists, too. In decades' worth of his personal letters archived at the Bentley Historical Library in Ann Arbor, it's clear that he became more influenced by white-nationalist ideas as time passed. In 1993, he wrote a letter to Hardin: "I have come to the point of view that for European-American society and culture to persist, it requires an European-American majority and a clear one at that. I doubt very much that our traditions will be carried on by other peoples."
Tanton's views about immigration were once far more common among environmentalists. The Sierra Club advocated for a restrictive policy on U.S. immigration well into the 1990s. But the issue became divisive, and Sierra Club leaders concluded in 1996 that the wisest decision was to adopt a policy of no policy. "The Sierra Club, its entities, and those speaking in its name will take no position on immigration levels or on policies governing immigration into the United States," the group announced that year. Population-control enthusiasts argued that neutrality was cowardice in disguise and encouraged the group to readopt the old policy. The Sierra Club put it to a vote. The proposal failed -- by a 20-point margin in 1998 and then by a whopping 84-point margin in 2005.
"The club's growing alliances with other progressive causes made it difficult for us to support limiting immigration," John Michael McCloskey, a longtime executive director of the Sierra Club, wrote in his memoir. The Sierra Club, which made efforts in the 1990s to broaden its base among minorities, didn't want to risk alienating its new supporters. The environmentalist movement had taken on a more inclusive perspective -- its members were thinking more globally -- and the connection between migration and overpopulation wasn't as clear; after all, immigrants don't materialize at the border.
When the environmental movement moved beyond its concerns about overpopulation, Tanton couldn't accept it. He was either too committed to population control, to the white-bred hue of the movement, or both -- and he led the subsection of the population-control movement that agreed with him headfirst into immigration reform.
"Immigration control is a foolish way to create an environmental perspective," says Adam Werbach, who was the president of the Sierra Club in 1998. "It attacks people who are suffering, it allows people who are rich to be unaccountable, it's out of touch with the realities of changing demographics, and it's terrifically unpopular." According to FAIR, of the 25 largest U.S. environmental organizations, only three advocate for restricting immigration, and Tanton served as the president of one of them before it changed its name from Zero Population Growth to Population Connection. FAIR, and other Tanton-affiliated organizations, argue that environmentalists "want to avoid the controversy that comes from discussing immigration reform."
But, Freudenburg says, overpopulation is finally being put into context. "There are not many areas of science where we're still using the logic from 40 years ago," he says.
***
Today Tanton is somewhat demobilized with Parkinson's disease. He spends most of his time "just dozing in the sun, while otherwise woolgathering." (We corresponded by e-mail. He said he didn't have the energy to speak on the phone or in person.) He relies on the younger leaders of his network to spread his message.
Last May, PFIR's Durant was a guest on The Surreal News, a liberal radio show in Sarasota, Florida. Larry, one of the show's hosts, who goes by his first name only, opened the interview: "I was commenting this morning to someone that I haven't heard a lot of discussion about overpopulation for years and years. It was there a long time ago, probably before you were born, and then all of a sudden disappeared."
Durant didn't seem to recognize that this was a criticism. "I think you're right, and I think people are becoming more and more aware of the population issue in the United States," she responded. "I think folks are really starting to feel the impact of that." Larry replied with an observation from his daily commute: "Most of us feel it trying to drive to work in the morning and wonder where all those people come from."
But connecting congested highways to immigration is a pretty big leap. At a panel discussion hosted by the Center for Immigration Studies last summer on the topic of immigration and the environment, Phil Cafaro, a philosophy professor at Colorado State University and an adviser at PFIR, claimed that "if Americans are serious about doing our part to limit global climate change, the multiplier effect of population growth is too important to ignore." Immigrants, he said, are the main driver of U.S. population growth and, if they settle down, they tend to have larger families, on average, than native-born Americans. Such growth exacerbates problems like urban sprawl, overcrowded schools, and congested roads. "If we had time, I think I could show that every major environmental problem in the U.S. is made worse by population growth," Cafaro said.
His fellow panelist Andrew Light, a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress and a professor at George Mason University, seemed befuddled by the whole event. "I'm actually going to adopt as a guiding assumption something which I actually don't believe, which is that environmental considerations should be the most important driver of immigration policy," he said, squinting and looking uneasily at the other panelists. Light went on to refute Cafaro's points. Urban sprawl, he said, is related to population growth but is certainly not its byproduct -- Detroit and St. Louis have shrunk population-wise while their city lines continue to inch closer to the suburbs. Much of the midsection of the United States is actually depopulating, and while immigrants tend to settle along the coasts, it's disingenuous to say that they're the ones to blame for any environmental hazards. After all, immigrants are not consuming or driving at the same levels as most American citizens are.
Light also spoke about the recent G-8 resolution, through which the U.S. pledged to reduce its emissions by 80 percent before 2050. Limiting immigration, Light explained, wouldn't make a dent. There might even be a global advantage to having a larger population in countries where such goals exist. "We're the only ones in the current architecture of the international climate treaty where we actually have a motivation to put a price on carbon, to do whatever it takes to essentially start the economic machine to make it so that the emissions profile of Americans, whether they're immigrants or not, necessarily has to go down," Light said.
The moderator, CIS research director Steven Camarota, asked how Light expected to see those environmental restrictions passed through Congress. "It's a huge political battle; the Democrats could lose control of the House because of things like this," Camarota said. "If you ask me which is easier, I would say obviously the immigration battle is a lot easier than the environmental."
Camarota's argument assumes that limiting immigration would have the same environmental impact as a cap-and-trade bill. This is an absurd thought, not least because most lawmakers who support reduced immigration don't even believe in climate change. NumbersUSA grades members of Congress based on their stance toward immigration; fewer than one out of five lawmakers who achieved a grade of B or higher voted in support of the American Clean Energy and Security Act.
There might be individuals among Tanton's generation of environmentalists who are amenable to his cause -- aging stalwarts of the population-control movement who have few organizations to which they can turn. However, it's hard to imagine Durant having much success convincing younger environmentalists, who have never seen Paul Ehrlich on TV, that they should be concerned about immigration control.
Of course, that's not to say she -- and others in John Tanton's network -- won't keep trying.
She openly pushed voting for Ron Paul for some time.
"… at the heart of the teeth gnashing are Paul’s racist newsletters and their import. For me, this would be a much tougher nut to crack if structural and/or cultural racism were still the most heinous defect in the American body politic. But in a country where indefinite detention just became the law of the land, it’s not. In a country where unmanned American drones are killing innocent children abroad, it’s not. And in a country where mortgage scammers are protected from prosecution while Americans are being foreclosed on in record numbers, it’s not. Sorry black folks, but race and racism are not the biggest issues of the 21st century and to imagine otherwise is to conflate the issue and put the needs of your community ahead of the needs of America in particular and the global community in general. In that way, it’s a selfish usurpation of the political agenda to placate the few, and it shouldn’t be tolerated by black people of conscience."-Yvette Carnel
Ron Paul Debate Flushes Out Gender-Baiting Right Wing Opportunists Masquerading as Progressives | naked capitalism
And she deleted her pro-trump video and her picture with a MAGA hat.