Vintage Black American History & Culture Documentaries

IllmaticDelta

Veteran
Joined
Jun 22, 2014
Messages
28,877
Reputation
9,491
Daps
81,271
6p8xLAQfqs-j6vXpcBCFDE3HFK-4x0631d-CWF7zQ4Eiq2a98qpon1NKkmwzVR2uSsh93o29n_yDVSJ1BEaQ6WYYoPK7WVMcnZdLbxWCY6AggfagQyrmJziK6X3vgeQ


81N2fGNpJ8L._SL1500_.jpg




image-asset.jpeg

Alec Turner in 1869

Alec Turner (1845-1923), born a slave, ran away from his plantation during the Civil War and joined the First New Jersey Cavalry in April of 1862.

In the years after the Civil War Alec married Sally Early and eventually settled in Grafton, Vermont. After several years working in the lumber industry, Alec bought about 100 acres for a farm called “Journey’s End.”

image-asset.jpeg

Daisy Turner, Alec’s daughter, recounted the story of Alec and his primer for Vermont Folklife Center folklorist Jane Beck in 1983.

Born on June 21, 1883, Daisy Turner lived most of her 104 years in the area around Grafton. Late in life, Daisy became her family’s historian, relating tales of her grandfather’s journey from Africa into slavery in Virginia, and her father’s eventual escape to freedom and life on a Vermont hill farm.

Alec's Primer — Vermont Folklife Center

.
.
.
Daisy Turner, at the age of 103, recalls her childhood in Grafton, Vermont and stories her parents told her about life during the Civil War era. The accompanying teacher's guide, included on the DVD release as a PDF file, provides an overview of the content and discussion suggestions for using the Daisy Turner video and audio recordings in a classroom setting. The guide also outlines units on storytelling and on researching African American history in New England

 

IllmaticDelta

Veteran
Joined
Jun 22, 2014
Messages
28,877
Reputation
9,491
Daps
81,271



The first documentary to explore the role of photography in shaping the identity, aspirations, and social emergence of African Americans from slavery to the present, Through a Lens Darkly: Black Photographers and the Emergence of a People probes the recesses of American history through images that have been suppressed, forgotten, and lost.

Bringing to light the hidden and unknown photos shot by both professional and vernacular African American photographers, the film opens a window into the lives of black families, whose experiences and perspectives are often missing from the traditional historical canon. African Americans historically embraced the medium as a way to subvert popular stereotypes as far back as the Civil War era, with Frederick Douglass photographed in a suit and black soldiers posing proudly in their uniforms. These images show a much more complex and nuanced view of American culture and its founding ideals.

Inspired by the book Reflections in Black by photo historian Deborah Willis, the film features the works of esteemed photographic artists Carrie Mae Weems, Lorna Simpson, Anthony Barboza, Hank Willis Thomas, Coco Fusco, Clarissa Sligh, James Van Der Zee, Gordon Parks, and many others.
 

IllmaticDelta

Veteran
Joined
Jun 22, 2014
Messages
28,877
Reputation
9,491
Daps
81,271


.

NEGROES WITH GUNS: Rob Williams and Black Power tells the dramatic story of the often-forgotten civil rights leader who urged African Americans to arm themselves against violent racists. In doing so, Williams not only challenged the Klan-dominated establishment of his hometown of Monroe, North Carolina, he alienated the mainstream Civil Rights Movement, which advocated peaceful resistance.

For Williams and other African Americans who had witnessed countless acts of brutality against their communities, armed self-defense was a practical matter of survival, particularly in the violent, racist heart of the Deep South. As the leader of the Monroe chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Williams led protests against the illegal segregation of Monroe’s public swimming pool. He also drew international attention to the harsh realities of life in the Jim Crow South. All the while, Williams and other protestors met the constant threat of violence and death with their guns close at hand.

In August 1961, the Freedom Riders, civil rights activists trained by Martin Luther King, Jr. to lead non-violent resistance, came to Monroe to demonstrate the superiority of passive resistance. An angry mob turned on the protestors and, by the end of the day, the Freedom Riders had been bloodied, beaten and jailed, and Rob Williams was on the run from the FBI.

Backed by a jazz score by Terence Blanchard (Barbershop and the films of Spike Lee), NEGROES WITH GUNS uses interviews, rare archival footage and searing photographs to chronicle Williams’ rise to notoriety, his eight-year exile in Cuba and Mao Zedong’s China and his much-publicized return home in 1969. Voices include historians, members of Williams’ Black Guard—armed men committed to the protection of Monroe’s black community—and Williams’ widow, Mabel.

For eight years, Williams and his family lived in exile, first in Cuba and then in China. In Havana, Williams began to broadcast a 50,000-watt radio program called "Radio Free Dixie." Selected recordings are featured in NEGROES WITH GUNS. The radio show fused cutting-edge music with news of the black freedom movement and Williams’ editorials, which, among other things, urged blacks not to fight in Vietnam.

In exile from 1961 to 1969, at the height of the American Civil Rights Movement, Rob Williams and his accomplishments have been largely erased from the public consciousness. According to the filmmakers, NEGROES WITH GUNS helps to “restore Rob and Mabel Williams to their rightful place as important civil rights figures who defied the white power structure without the protection of large numbers or the attention of television cameras.”
.
.






The first African American civil rights leader to advocate armed resistance to racial oppression and violence, Robert F. Williams was born on February 26, 1925 in Monroe, North Carolina. The fourth of five children born to Emma Carter Williams and John Williams, Williams quickly learned to navigate the dangers of being black in the Deep South. The Ku Klux Klan was a powerful and feared force in Monroe, and the community where Williams grew up experienced regular brutalization at the hands of whites.

Williams’ grandmother, a well-read and proud woman who was born a slave in Union County in 1858, taught Williams to cherish his heritage and to stand up for himself. Before she died, she presented her young grandson with his first gun, a rifle that had belonged to his grandfather, as a symbol of their family’s resistance against racial oppression.

After high school Williams joined the Marines in hopes of being assigned to information services, where he could pursue journalism. Instead, he received a typical assignment given to African American Marines at that time: supply sergeant. Williams’ resistance to the Marine Corps’ racial discrimination earned him an “undesirable” discharge and he returned to Monroe.

dot_clear.gif
rob_klanpic.jpg


rob_leader_hdr.gif


In 1956, Williams took over leadership of the local chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), which was close to disbanding due to a relentless backlash by the Ku Klux Klan. Williams canvassed for new members and eventually expanded the branch from only six to more than 200 members.

Williams also filed for a charter from the National Rifle Association (NRA) and formed the Black Guard, an armed group committed to the protection of Monroe’s black population. Members received weapons and physical training from Williams to prepare them to keep the peace and come to the aid of black citizens, whose calls to law enforcement often went unanswered.

With his fellow NAACP members, Williams waged local civil rights campaigns and brought the conditions of the Jim Crow South to the attention of the national and international media. Williams led an ongoing fight to integrate the local public swimming pool and opposed the condemnation of two young African American boys for the “crime” of kissing a white girl during a harmless child’s game—a cause that had been deemed too controversial for the national NAACP.

rob_meetingviol_hdr.gif


In 1959, after a jury in Monroe acquitted a white man for the attempted rape of a black woman, Williams made a historic statement on the courthouse steps.

He said of his courthouse proclamation at a later press conference: “I made a statement that if the law, if the United States Constitution cannot be enforced in this social jungle called Dixie, it is time that Negroes must defend themselves even if it is necessary to resort to violence.

“That there is no law here, there is no need to take the white attackers to the courts because they will go free and that the federal government is not coming to the aid of people who are oppressed, and it is time for Negro men to stand up and be men and if it is necessary for us to die we must be willing to die. If it is necessary for us to kill we must be willing to kill.”

rob_atodds_hdr.gif


The NAACP suspended Williams for advocating violence. In 1961, the Freedom Riders came to Monroe to demonstrate the efficacy of passive resistance—the hallmark of the mainstream Civil Rights Movement led by Martin Luther King, Jr. An angry mob of Klansmen and Klan supporters overwhelmed the Riders, who called upon Williams and his Black Guard for help. Amid the chaos, Williams sheltered a white couple from an African American mob, only to be accused later of kidnapping them.

dot_clear.gif
rob_book.jpg


rob_twapic.jpg


rob_olderpic.jpg


rob_exile_hdr.gif


With state and local authorities pursuing Williams for “kidnapping,” and frenzied Klansmen calling for his death, Robert and Mabel Williams and their two small children fled Monroe. Fidel Castro granted Williams political asylum in Cuba, and the family spent the next five years in Havana. Robert and Mabel Williams continued to fight for human rights from Havana through their news and music radio program, “Radio Free Dixie,” and the publication of Williams’ pamphlet, The Crusader, which reached an influential underground audience. In 1962, he wrote the book Negroes With Guns.

In 1966, Williams moved his family to China during the height of the Cultural Revolution. There, as in Cuba, he enjoyed celebrity status and fraternized with Mao Zedong and Chou En Lai.

rob_homecoming_hdr.gif


In 1969, Williams returned to the U.S. aboard a TWA flight chartered by the federal government. All charges against Williams were dropped, and he went on to advise the State Department on normalizing relations with China. Williams did not, however, assume leadership of what had become a divided and beleaguered Black Power Movement. Instead, Williams accepted a position as a research associate at the Institute for Chinese Studies at University of Michigan, and he and Mabel moved to Baldwin, near the university. Williams died of cancer in 1996 and was buried in Monroe.
 

IllmaticDelta

Veteran
Joined
Jun 22, 2014
Messages
28,877
Reputation
9,491
Daps
81,271
71c4xLyZm-L._RI_.jpg










The Cry of Jazz is a 1959 documentary film by Edward O. Bland that connects jazz to African American history. It uses footage of Chicago's black neighborhoods and performances by Sun Ra, John Gilmore, and Julian Priester interspersed with scenes of musicians and intellectuals, both black and white, conversing at a jazz club. It has been credited as being an early example of the Black pride movement and with predicting the urban riots of the 1960s and 70s, and has also been called the first Hip-Hop film.[1][2] In 2010, this film was selected for preservation in the United States National Film Registry by the Library of Congress as being "culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant". [3] The Library of Congress had this to say of the film and its significance:

Cry of Jazz...is now recognized as an early and influential example of African-American independent filmmaking. Director Ed Bland, with the help of more than 60 volunteer crew members, intercuts scenes of life in Chicago’s black neighborhoods with interviews of interracial artists and intellectuals. Cry of Jazz argues that black life in America shares a structural identity with jazz music. With performance clips by the jazz composer, bandleader and pianist Sun Ra and his Arkestra, the film demonstrates the unifying tension between rehearsed and improvised jazz. Cry of Jazz is a historic and fascinating film that comments on racism and the appropriation of jazz by those who fail to understand its artistic and cultural origins.[4]

The Cry of Jazz - Wikipedia
 

IllmaticDelta

Veteran
Joined
Jun 22, 2014
Messages
28,877
Reputation
9,491
Daps
81,271



Inspired by Arthur Ashe's three volume A Hard Road to Glory: A History of the African-American Athlete, this cable documentary from 1996 remains definitive. The African-American athlete is today a much-loved hero in American sports. In fields as diverse as tennis, football, basketball, baseball, track and more, the men and women who led the way and those who followed have become icons the world over. But the adoration we accept today was once rejection as these athletes undertook the struggle to meet their fellow competitors on a level playing field. The road that led to this legacy of achievement is paved with the names of the famous, and many are featured here, captured in some of the finest moments in sports history. Includes boxing's Jack Johnson, Joe Louis and Muhammad Ali; basketball's Harlem Globetrotters, Dr. J and Michael "Air" Jordan; tennis stars Althea Gibson and Arthur Ashe; baseball's Negro Leagues and the breakthrough of Jackie Robinson; Jesse Owens' triumph in the 1936 Olympics, and Tommie Smith's Black Panther salute of the Olympics of 1968.
 

IllmaticDelta

Veteran
Joined
Jun 22, 2014
Messages
28,877
Reputation
9,491
Daps
81,271
g6H30FU.jpg








Filmmaker and educator Willa Cofield traces the colorful history of the Brick School, a pioneering boarding institution which provided education for African-Americans in segregated North Carolina from 1895 to 1933. The Brick School Legacy details the story of educator Thomas Sewell Inborden, who founded the Brick School in 1895 to serve the large number of rural African-Americans in the eastern North Carolina counties, and to provide solid academic training and an extension program for agricultural workers.
 

IllmaticDelta

Veteran
Joined
Jun 22, 2014
Messages
28,877
Reputation
9,491
Daps
81,271



In 1956, America announced a new Cold War weapon to combat the USSR; jazz musicians like Louis Armstrong, Duke Ellington, Dizzy Gillespie and Dave Brubeck, along with their racially-integrated band, would cross the globe to counter negative Soviet propaganda about racial inequality in America. But the unfolding Civil Rights movement back home forced these cultural ambassadors into a moral bind; how could they promote a tolerant image of America abroad when equality remained an unrealized dream? This is the story of how jazz musicians fought back, winning Civil Rights a voice on the world stage when it needed one most.





MICHEL MARTIN, HOST:

Finally today, we revisit the Cold War. It wasn't just an arms race. It was also a battle about values and culture. And one of the U.S.'s weapons of choice...

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

DIZZY GILLESPIE: The weapon that we will use is the cool one. (Playing trumpet).

MARTIN: Those are the words of the great jazz trumpeter Dizzy Gillespie, who is just one of the world-class musicians the U.S. government deployed in the '50s and '60s to win hearts and minds around the globe. All this as the African-Americans among them were still fighting for human rights and dignity in the U.S. A new documentary, available on PBS, tells the story. It's called "The Jazz Ambassadors," and director Hugo Berkeley is with us now from our bureau in New York to tell us more about it. Hugo, thanks so much for joining us.

HUGO BERKELEY: Thank you very much for having me on.

MARTIN: Well, set the stage for us, if you would. When we hear Cold War, I think a lot of people think about the Cuban missile crisis. But this was also an era when the U.S. and Soviets were fighting a propaganda war. Could you talk a little bit about that?

BERKELEY: Absolutely. In the 1950s you have the Cold War that's happening, obviously. In the mid-1950s, you've really got the burgeoning of the civil rights movement in the United States. And you've also got this great process of decolonization that's happening around the world, where countries like India, African countries, Asian countries are having their own struggle to throw off their colonial oppressors and to embrace liberty. And that means that these countries then enter into a Cold War dynamic where they're being asked to choose either to side with the Americans or with the Soviets on the other side. And so there's this propaganda effort to try and reach out to these newly-independent countries - specifically, India is a huge one in the mid-1950s - to join their side. And that leads to this very interesting jazz ambassadors program.

MARTIN: One of the key drivers of this was Adam Clayton Powell Jr., a congressman - African-American congressman who represented Harlem. What was his role in this?

BERKELEY: So Adam Clayton Powell Jr. was a fascinating guy. He was also married to Hazel Scott, who was a jazz pianist. And I think in that couple, they really blend politics and show business. And Adam Clayton Powell is someone who sees the value of American jazz musicians, of America's indigenous art form in terms of communicating to developing countries, countries that were recently experiencing independence. And he tries to convince the State Department that this is a great cultural resource. As the State Department is sending some American cultural exports like the Boston Symphony, or acapella singers, or folk dancers around the world, he says, hold on, why don't we send jazz musicians? There, an art form that's native to the United States, that no one else can compete with.

MARTIN: Maybe this is a good place to mention a radio host named Willis Conover.

BERKELEY: Absolutely. Willis Conover is such a wonderful person and almost maybe a story that people who are into jazz know but who maybe could enjoy a little bit more time in the public limelight. He was a radio broadcaster on "Voice Of America" who launched a show in 1955 called "Music USA."

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

WILLIS CONOVER: Some music scholars have said that jazz, which was born here in the United States, is the one new art form in the world. Others say jazz is more than an art. It's a way of life. Jazz guarantees each musician absolute freedom within a framework of cooperation.

MARTIN: Why was he so important to this whole endeavor?

BERKELEY: Well, he's someone who sees jazz as somehow very symbolic of democracy in this - you know, everything's seen through a Cold War lens. And he's a huge figure around the world. His show is received ecstatically. The State Department in 1955 starts to receive all these letters saying how much they enjoy it. And I think people say, wow, this is so popular, maybe we could do something more with it. And he's a champion of jazz on the international stage then for the next 30 years or so in American broadcasting.

MARTIN: And also, importantly, he offered a platform to these musicians. I mean, he interviewed - what? - you know, a who's who of African-American and other jazz artists and gave them this - I mean, they were already known, I guess, by the time they got - they were starting to go overseas. People would have known who they were, right?

BERKELEY: Absolutely. There'd been a fairly well-trodden path outside of the United States in terms of touring artists in Europe and the edges of Europe, maybe a little bit in South America as well. But Willis Conover's broadcasts took the music of Dizzy Gillespie, or Louis Armstrong, or Dave Brubeck way beyond the reach that commercial tours could support at that time.

(SOUNDBITE OF DAVE BRUBECK'S "PENNIES FROM HEAVEN")

BERKELEY: And so when these artists showed up, I think they themselves were so amazed at the knowledge, the passion, the enthusiasm that, you know, audiences in Congo, or in Egypt, or in Poland had for their music. They had no idea, and that was really eye-opening for them.

MARTIN: But we also see moments in your film when a number of these artists were conflicted about being ambassadors for the U.S. at the time when they were still facing, you know, very obvious blatant discrimination and racism in the U.S. I mean, you know, you're thinking - you're watching this and you're thinking, you know, they would have been turned away from some hotels in the United States, you know, at that time. How did they deal with that dilemma?

BERKELEY: I think that's the real heart of the film, and what we've set out to answer is that question. You know, this was obviously a great opportunity for them to tour the world and to go to new places. But it was - there was a paradox at its heart, which is you're being asked to stump for a country that doesn't treat your own people as equal citizens. And that is the great dilemma of America's stance in the Cold War at that time. So my effort in making this film was really to understand how each individual artist responded to that question in their own words. And we really looked around the world for pieces of archive, interviews, memoir writings, whatever we could find where Louis Armstrong, or Duke Ellington, or Dizzy Gillespie could answer that for themselves.

And what's so great about these musicians, they insist on almost unanimously telling it like it is - not sugar coating anything, being honest. And that comes through both in what they say and in how they play. And that's what really was the most successful, and probably from a State Department point of view, the least expected outcome of this. But it's what really worked.

MARTIN: There's a very moving image in your film of Louis Armstrong performing this jazz standard, "Black and Blue," in Ghana. It's a wonderful song. I'm not sure everybody always listens really carefully to the lyrics, so I'm going to play a little bit of it. And then we can talk about what he's saying.

(SOUNDBITE OF SONG, "BLACK AND BLUE")

LOUIS ARMSTRONG: (Singing) How would it end? Ain't got a friend. My only sin is in my skin. What did I do to be so black and blue?

BERKELEY: It's remarkable piece of footage to see Louis Armstrong singing that to Dr. Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana in 1956 as that country's experiencing its own independence struggle. And Robin D.G. Kelley, who we interviewed in the film, speaks so eloquently about the universality of those lyrics about the desire to want to be other than you are. And Armstrong is really able to bridge this divide with that Ghanaian audience and specifically to such an important leader like Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, such an important liberating figure in African politics and say, we sympathize. This is a universal issue, and we're somehow connected.

MARTIN: In the end, what do you make of their journeys? Do you think these musicians were ambassadors for the U.S., or were they in some ways ambassadors for music or for jazz as a kind of a universal language?

BERKELEY: I think that all of those things, actually. They are certainly ambassadors for the United States. And maybe it's a bit more difficult to imagine it from today's point of view, but the world they were inhabiting was so conditioned by this binary Cold War opposition of Soviet Communism and an American democratic values. So I really did get the sense as I researched this film and got closer to the thoughts of these musicians that they were very patriotic and they did want to help the United States. And yet, as many people who were involved in the film and we were able to interview attest, there was - it was all about a kind of internationalism and a lack of a specific ideology and forming connections around the world. So

that really goes beyond the, you know, the United States and its particular grievance with the Soviet Union. So it's all of those things. And maybe that's what makes it both an interesting historical document but also a more universal one that I hope resonates today as well.
 

IllmaticDelta

Veteran
Joined
Jun 22, 2014
Messages
28,877
Reputation
9,491
Daps
81,271



When the new sound of jazz first spread across America in the early twentieth-century, it left delight – and controversy – in its wake. As jazz's popularity grew, so did campaigns to censor "the devil's music." This documentary classic has been hailed by the New York Times as a documentary that "addressing the complex interaction of race and class… engages viewers in a conversation as vigorous as the art it chronicles,” featuring timeless performances by artists such as Louis Armstrong and vocalist Rachelle Ferrelle, plus interviews with giants of social and musical criticism such as Albert Murray, Marian MacPartland, Studs Terkel, and Michael Eric Dyson.
 

IllmaticDelta

Veteran
Joined
Jun 22, 2014
Messages
28,877
Reputation
9,491
Daps
81,271



The Black Seminoles or Afro-Seminoles are Black Indians associated with the Seminole people in Florida and Oklahoma. They are mostly blood descendants of the Seminole people, free Blacks, and escaped slaves (called maroons) who allied with Seminole groups in Spanish Florida. Many have Seminole lineage, but due to the stigma of having dark skin, they all have been categorized as slaves or freedmen. Historically, the Black Seminoles lived mostly in distinct bands near the Native American Seminole. Some were held as slaves, particularly of Seminole leaders, but the Black Seminole had more freedom than did slaves held by whites in the South and by other Native American tribes, including the right to bear arms. Today, Black Seminole descendants live primarily in rural communities around the Seminole Nation of Oklahoma. Its two Freedmen's bands, the Caesar Bruner Band and the Dosar Barkus Band,[1] are represented on the General Council of the Nation. Other centers are in Florida, Texas, the Bahamas, and northern Mexico. Since the 1930s, the Seminole Freedmen have struggled with cycles of exclusion from the Seminole Tribe of Oklahoma. In 1990, the tribe received the majority of a $46 million judgement trust by the United States, for seizure of lands in Florida in 1823, and the Freedmen have worked to gain a share of it. In 2004 the US Supreme Court ruled the Seminole Freedmen could not bring suit without the Seminole Nation of Oklahoma, which refused to join them on the claim issue. In 2000 the Seminole Nation voted to restrict membership to those who could prove descent from a Seminole on the Dawes Rolls of the early 20th century, which excluded about 1,200 Freedmen who were previously included as members. They argue that the Dawes Rolls were inaccurate and often classified persons with both Seminole and African ancestry as only Freedmen.
 
Top