I know this sounds messed up but until Haiti gets rid of those puppets Haiti is done for...
Essential The Official Contemporary Haitian Geopolitics/Event thread
- Thread starter Scientific Playa
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I know this sounds messed up but until Haiti gets rid of those puppets Haiti is done for...
loyola llothta
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June 1 Friday . 2018
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loyola llothta
☭☭☭
June 4 Monday 2018
Ok... I'm ready to talk about this one
Honestly, While i'm mad a Jovnel for turning down the Chinese deal I must also say I dont know what was in the deal in terms of what kind of concessions the Chinese were demanding in return. From what i hear they typically go for the jugular in terms o land concessions and open borders for chinese migrations. Haitians have this thing about "Haiti for haitians only" even tho ths shyt is cumbling under our feet.
With that said i'm mad because this all feels like he caved in to pressure from the Americans who are trying hard to keep the Chinese from taking over the Caribbean markets. Obama tried to do the same with Jamaica when he went there for the visit but Jamaicans know they have been screwed by american companies for too long so they ignored him.
I laugh when some clown think Obama went there just for the Caribbean leaders meeting.
He went there to promote american businesses after seeing many islands make deals with the Chinese as opposed to american companies.
I'm gonna see if he caves in to pressure to oust Venezuela. USA had pressured them to vote to sanction venezuela back in 2015 and they declined which prompted US government to be mad at Haitian leaders over siding with Venezuela. But now this shyt is coming back around and I feel like Jovenel is feeling even more heat than before
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loyola llothta
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Look at these c00n haitian military family U.S stooges
More of the Haitian criminals
They white suppports
More of the Haitian criminals
They white suppports
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loyola llothta
☭☭☭
Corrupted foreign U.S friends. In the comment sections other asians calling Taiwan president corrupted and the Haiti deal stupid
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Ok... I'm ready to talk about this one
Honestly, While i'm mad a Jovnel for turning down the Chinese deal I must also say I dont know what was in the deal in terms of what kind of concessions the Chinese were demanding in return. From what i hear they typically go for the jugular in terms o land concessions and open borders for chinese migrations. Haitians have this thing about "Haiti for haitians only" even tho ths shyt is cumbling under our feet.
With that said i'm mad because this all feels like he caved in to pressure from the Americans who are trying hard to keep the Chinese from taking over the Caribbean markets. Obama tried to do the same with Jamaica when he went there for the visit but Jamaicans know they have been screwed by american companies for too long so they ignored him.
I laugh when some clown think Obama went there just for the Caribbean leaders meeting.
He went there to promote american businesses after seeing many islands make deals with the Chinese as opposed to american companies.
I'm gonna see if he caves in to pressure to oust Venezuela. USA had pressured them to vote to sanction venezuela back in 2015 and they declined which prompted US government to be mad at Haitian leaders over siding with Venezuela. But now this shyt is coming back around and I feel like Jovenel is feeling even more heat than before
All they want is for Haiti to not recognize Taiwans independence. I've talkd about this in other threads. I always was 50/50 on Haiti doing that because of their symbol of independence. But after that terrible offer from Taiwan and SEEING how they're in league with the U.S, I don't give a shyt anymore. Take the Chinese deal. It's far from perfect though.
The Dominican Republic ditched Taiwan for China. Is Haiti next to cut diplomatic ties?
Chevry acknowledges his city has a revenue problem. His budget last year was just $7.7 million for more than a million residents living in a densely urbanized area. Meanwhile, a 2016 survey of 47,000 houses, found that only 5,000 had actually paid taxes.
"I won't be able to repay $4 billion," he concedes. "This isn't a loan, it's a type of financing. They are going to build these things...run it and they are going to get their money back."
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loyola llothta
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More criminal corrupt moves by the US, IMF, and the U.N in Haiti early last year last year (2017) and 2016
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loyola llothta
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Basically a complex form of colonization.
and nikkas on here wonder why people leave smh
loyola llothta
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A U.N.-BACKED POLICE FORCE CARRIED OUT A MASSACRE IN HAITI. THE KILLINGS HAVE BEEN ALMOST ENTIRELY IGNORED.
AT 5 O’CLOCK on the morning of November 13, more than 200 Haitian police officers raided the Grand Ravine area of Port-au-Prince. There was a series of loud explosions, followed by gunfire. For the next six hours, the commotion didn’t stop. The neighborhood was under siege.
What had started as an anti-gang operation in a poor and largely forgotten neighborhood — in a poor and largely forgotten country — ended in the summary execution of innocent civilians on a school campus.
The police officers were working with the United Nations Mission for Justice Support in Haiti. It was launched in October, a reboot of a previous mission that had begun in 2004, when thousands of U.N. troops were sent to Haiti following a coup d’etat, tasked in part with restoring stability and reinforcing national police capacities.
And though the U.N. mission issued a statement days after the raid calling for a prompt investigation by Haitian authorities, it did not publicly acknowledge its own role in the operation. But in late December, a U.N. spokesperson confirmed to The Intercept for the first time that the mission had helped plan the raid, though it distanced itself from the civilian deaths.
“The reported civilian death were not part of the planned operation but of a unilateral action conducted by some [Haitian police] officers after the conclusion of the operation,” the spokesperson, Sophie Boutaud de la Combe, wrote in an email. The raid of the school, according to the U.N. statement, was done without authorization, without alerting the police hierarchy, and outside of the operational plan.
Boutaud de la Combe said that, a day after the raid, the U.N. “conducted an internal enquiry with all the unit commanders who participated in the operation.” The U.N. inquiry, not previously reported, absolved the U.N., finding that U.N. police did not fire their weapons and only “secured the perimeter” of the school, she said.
“None of the [U.N. police] unit proceeded to the location at Maranatha College where the alleged killings took place,” the spokesperson wrote. “The planned portion of the operation went relatively well. The post-operation unilateral initiative of some HNP members to conduct a high risk search, proceeding outside of the operational cadre, without advising the hierarchy, without authorization and contravening the operation plan was not part of the planned operation.”
Main school logo inside the front gate and near entrance to courtyard on Maranatha campus in Port-au-Prince, on Nov. 17, 2017.
Photo: Jake Johnston
WHEN I ARRIVED at the Maranatha Evangelical College campus, traveling with a broadcast team from Al Jazeera four days after the raid, it was immediately obvious something heinous had transpired.
The blood that stained the concrete was still wet, unable to dry in the blanket of fog and mist that kept the capital unusually cool that particular week. Water pooled in the courtyard’s clogged drain had turned a dark red, partially obscuring an empty tear gas canister. The smell of the violence still hung in the heavy air.
Classrooms and offices had been ransacked, the contents of closets, drawers, and bookcases spilled across the floors and through the doorways. Light crept in through holes left by bullets that had pierced through the thick concrete. Sometime since the raid, someone had swept another five empty tear gas canisters and close to 100 heavy artillery shells into a pile.
The morning we arrived, faculty and students were meeting to mourn those who had been killed. The school was still closed. They gathered in one of the small classrooms, closed the door to us outsiders, and began to sing. The religious hymns — deep, soulful melodies — echoed throughout the courtyard where they mixed with cries of grieving victims and family members anxious to tell their stories.
“I must kill myself,” Monique Larosse, whose nephew was shot in this courtyard days earlier, told us. “Why did they kill him when they know he was not one of the bad men? He was someone who went to church, studied, and had principles.”
The stories Larosse, along with other survivors and family members, told me make clear something went horribly wrong on that mid-November day. While there’s a lot still unclear, one thing is for certain — the official narrative is at odds with what the people of Grand Ravine say they witnessed and experienced. And they are a far way off from finding justice.
Tear gas canisters and ammunition swept into a pile at Maranatha campus in Port-au-Prince, on Nov. 17, 2017.
Photo: Jake Johnston
LOCATED NEAR THE southern entrance to Haiti’s sprawling capital, Grand Ravine is built on a hillside with picturesque views of the Caribbean Sea. And yet, it’s a downtrodden neighborhood.
Haphazard construction with paltry regulation has left neighborhoods, including Grand Ravine, with little to no infrastructure or government services. Many areas are only accessible by foot.
Narrow, misshapen alleys ascend through the concrete homes secured with rusted sheet metal.
Amid all this is the Maranatha Evangelical College, which has operated here since the 1940s. Despite the name, it offers classes for neighborhood kids beginning in preschool. The campus is a mashup of school buildings, houses and a healthy number of full-size trees, a dissonant image in a city overwhelmed by concrete. A low wall marks it off from the surrounding area.
The only entrance to the elevated campus is a sloping, winding road that sits behind a large metal gate. The campus is a refuge, an oasis of calm in a section of Haiti rife with gang activity.
Grand Ravine is a “red zone,” the label international forces give to the country’s most violence-prone areas. In December 2016, Grand Ravine’s most powerful gang leader, Junior Decimus, was arrested at the airport when he attempted to travel abroad. Soon after, according to a report by local rights organization Justice and Peace, an armed conflict began as others sought to consolidate control of the neighborhood. “Bursts of automatic weapons sang during the day, while police officers from the nearby station watched helplessly,” according to a hard copy of the organization’s report.
In October, the month before the police raid, groups of armed youth set up roadblocks, robbing cars in plain sight as they passed.
The same month, thousands of U.N. soldiers stationed in the country since the 2004 coup d’etat withdrew. Brought to Haiti to restore “stability,” the foreign troops have been involved in multiple deadly raids into neighborhoods similar to Grand Ravine. The international community has spent hundreds of millions training the Haitian police for the U.N.’s eventual departure.
The U.N. Stabilization Mission in Haiti ended its mandate in October, but the U.N. is by no means gone. In place of troops, the U.N. created a smaller successor mission composed of a few thousand police officers. In early November, together with the local police force responsible for the capital, that new U.N. mission helped plan the anti-gang raid into Grand Ravine.
The November 13 raid was one of the first major acts involving the new mission, and the response will define the future of the U.N.’s relationship with the people of Grand Ravine — and the success of the newly empowered local police force.
AT 6:30 ON that mid-November morning, Armand Louis received a phone call from Maranatha College, the school he has directed for the last 30 years. Something was wrong. The police raid had spilled onto the school’s campus.
When he arrived nearly two hours later, tear gas was already being employed by police, according to an investigation by the National Network of Human Rights Defenders, a local human rights organization known by its French acronym, RNDDH, and confirmed in an interview with Louis. The following account is based on Intercept interviews with multiple witnesses, whose recollections mirror those included in RNDDH’s subsequent report on the massacre.
Police opened and searched classrooms, ransacking them in an apparent attempt to locate gang members hiding on campus. They didn’t find any.
There was a brief period of calm. People still on campus gave water to police. The burning in their eyes from the tear gas subsided.