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Chinese Automakers Pose U.S. National-Security Threat, Biden Says
President warned connected vehicles could collect sensitive data for foreign governments

Gareth Vipers

President Biden ordered the Commerce Department to open an investigation into foreign-made software in cars, citing Chinese technology as a potential national-security risk.

“Connected vehicles from China could collect sensitive data about our citizens and our infrastructure and send this data back to the People’s Republic of China,” Biden said in a statement. “These vehicles could be remotely accessed or disabled.”

The investigation could lead to restrictions on the use of certain parts in cars in the U.S.

Right now, few U.S.-sold cars are made in China and most have software developed by Western firms, making the immediate threat limited. However, Chinese car companies are moving swiftly to expand globally, and if they gain entry into the U.S., the potential risk could be higher, industry analysts say.

The probe is the latest in a series of moves by the Biden administration to protect U.S. industry against what officials see as the growing threat of Chinese cyberattacks.

Within the auto industry, car executives are also growing increasingly nervous about the competitive threat posed by some of these Chinese car companies, whose lower-priced electric cars are gaining popularity in Southeast Asia and Europe. Some automotive CEOs have recently pressed for stiffer trade barriers to limit their expansion, particularly to the U.S.

Currently, Chinese-built cars are subject to an extra 25% tariff on top of the regular 2.5% import duty that generally applies to imported vehicles. The Biden administration has explored raising the tariff on some Chinese-made goods, including electric vehicles, in an attempt to bolster the U.S. clean-energy industry.


A BYD electric-car factory in Changzhou, China. BYD has been scouting locations in Mexico for a factory. Photo: alex plavevski/Shutterstock
While China hasn’t commented directly on Biden’s auto plan, a spokeswoman for its Foreign Ministry said at a Thursday briefing that it rejected as discriminatory another recent move by the president to limit China’s access to personal data of Americans, by saying the U.S. “overstretches the concept of national security.”

Last week, the White House revealed plans to invest more than $20 billion in maritime security, raising concerns that China-built cranes with advanced software at many of the nation’s ports posed a potential national-security risk.

There has been a surge of warnings from top U.S. officials, including Federal Bureau of Investigation Director Christopher Wray, regarding the potential threat to American lives posed by the infiltration of the nation’s critical infrastructure by Chinese hackers.

In the statement, Biden said Chinese automakers were seeking to flood the U.S. market. The Commerce Department probe will explore the vulnerabilities and threats that could arise if a foreign government gained access to vehicles’ systems or data, he said.

Modern vehicles are effectively connected computers on wheels, collecting a vast array of information using sensors, apps and cameras. The increased connectivity of cars has long posed a quandary for regulators.

In July, California’s privacy regulator said it would examine the growing amalgamation of data collected by smart vehicles. Regulators in Europe have opened investigations into how the auto industry uses personal information from cars such as location data, and in some cases forced manufacturers to update software to limit data collection.


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Tesla is facing pressure in China from the country’s top electric-vehicle company BYD. WSJ unpacks the business and manufacturing strategy of BYD and Tesla to uncover what the competition in China reveals about the race to own the global EV space. Photo Illustration: Mike Cheslik
Still, most vehicles sold in the U.S. use software and operating systems made by tech firms based in the U.S. or Europe—not China, industry analysts say. That makes the threat of this kind of software making its way into the U.S. “extremely low,” said Sam Abuelsamid, an automotive analyst at Guidehouse Insights.

While China does make some cameras, microcontrollers and sensors for U.S.-sold vehicles, it would be very hard to get data from them directly, said Alex Oyler, a director at consulting firm SBD Automotive. And those parts are integrated into systems that are largely made by non-Chinese parts suppliers, such as Bosch and Harman, he said.

“If and when some of the Chinese brands that have investment from the China’s government start to move into the U.S. market, that’s when there is a greater potential risk,” Abuelsamid said.

The new U.S. probe underscores how the auto industry is moving to center stage as both President Biden and former President Donald Trump seek to take a tougher stance against China ahead of the presidential election this year.

The Biden administration has been trying to reduce the U.S. auto industry’s reliance on China, including using tax credits to boost electric-vehicle sales and pushing automakers away from Chinese suppliers.

Last year, China became the world’s biggest auto exporter, shipping an estimated 5.26 million domestically made vehicles overseas, according to the China Passenger Car Association. Part of that growth came in the electric-vehicle market, where the country sold more than one million China-made EVs overseas.

While Chinese manufacturers have had limited success in the U.S., due in part to hefty import tariffs, EV automaker BYD, which is backed by Warren Buffett, has set its sights on North America.

The company, which in the fourth quarter overtook
Tesla
for the first time as the world’s largest EV seller, has been scouting locations in Mexico for a factory, from which it would consider exporting cars to the U.S., The Wall Street Journal has reported.

A senior BYD executive, in an interview with Yahoo Finance Live earlier this week, confirmed the Mexico factory plans but said it wasn’t planning to come to the U.S., noting that such a move would be “very complicated” when it comes to an EV.

Tesla Chief Executive Elon Musk has said Chinese car companies have already had much success outside of China and that they are now the “most competitive” globally.

“If there are not trade barriers established, they will pretty much demolish most other car companies in the world,” Musk said during Tesla’s earnings call in January.

The Chinese government has also raised national-security concerns about Western-designed cars sold to its own citizens, saying they could be used for gathering data and information.

In 2021, China restricted the use of Tesla vehicles by military staff and employees of key state-owned companies, saying the car’s cameras record images constantly and obtain data, including when, how and where the vehicles are used.

Tesla has said its privacy protection policy complies with Chinese laws and regulations and it attaches “great importance” to securing user information.

Mike Colias contributed to this article.

Write to Gareth Vipers at gareth.vipers@wsj.com
 

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Xi Jinping’s Historians Can’t Stop Rewriting China’s Imperial Past
A vast effort to draft an official history of the Qing dynasty is in limbo as China’s leader demands it be bent to his vision

Chun Han Wong

For decades, Chinese scholars have been toiling at the party’s behest to draft an official history of the Qing, China’s last imperial dynasty, which the Manchu ethnic group led for nearly 270 years before its collapse in the early 20th century. Beijing has devoted thousands of researchers and millions of dollars to the task, producing a draft that runs into the tens of millions of characters over more than 100 volumes.

However, an ideological hardening under Chinese leader Xi Jinping has set back the publication of the epic tome already more than a decade overdue—underscoring how the Communist Party has tightened its grip on history to advance its goals.

The Qing era is central to the Communist Party’s claims to have saved China from its “century of humiliation,” inflicted on it by foreign powers, stretching from the Qing’s defeat in the Opium Wars—the first of which began in 1839—to the founding of the People’s Republic in 1949. The legitimacy of China’s current borders, largely inherited from the Qing, is also closely intertwined with territorial claims from that period.

Party vetters, including a top historian backed by Xi, issued sweeping criticisms of the draft “Qing History” last year, saying it strayed too far from official views and requesting changes to better align the past with Xi’s vision for the future, according to people familiar with the project.

The criticisms centered on political issues including the assertion that the draft “doesn’t speak for the people,” one of those people said.


The Shenyang Imperial Palace, used during the early Qing dynasty, was built in 1625. Photo: Yao Jianfeng/Zuma Press
As it grapples with the critiques, the group managing the project, the National Qing History Compilation Committee, is also racing against time. Many leading researchers on the project have reached their twilight years and, in some cases, already died—including the committee’s director.

The saga reflects the crucial yet politically fraught role that history plays in China under Xi. Leaning into his country’s preoccupation with its past, Xi has enforced what he calls a “correct outlook on history,” aimed at fortifying his “China Dream” of national renaissance and autocratic rule. In practice, this means promoting nationalistic narratives that cast the Communist Party as the sole guarantor of China’s inexorable rise, while quashing alternative views about the past that contradict official canon.

Xi, in sweeping aside the relatively tolerant intellectual climate that prevailed before he took power in 2012, has left historians wrong-footed, according to people familiar with the Qing History project.

“This is a product made for one customer but sent to another customer,” said one of those people. The shift in China’s ideological landscape since the project’s launch two decades ago meant that some theoretical frameworks that historians used “are no longer valid or politically correct,” the person said.

China’s Ministry of Culture and Tourism, which oversees the project, didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Historical extent of China


Circa 1800 during

the Qing dynasty

Circa 1600

during the

Ming

dynasty

Note: Representations of Ming and Qing territories are approximate, as territorial boundaries weren't definitively or precisely demarcated at the time.

In a Chinese tradition dating back to antiquity, each dynasty would compile an official history of the preceding one. The Communist Party first explored the idea of compiling a Qing history in the early years of Mao’s rule, with the aim of superseding an incomplete draft published in 1928. The project started taking shape with Premier Zhou Enlai’s blessing, only to be derailed by the 1966-1976 Cultural Revolution.

Party leaders revived the project in 2002, in response to lobbying by influential academics including Dai Yi, an esteemed Qing historian at Beijing’s Renmin University, who became the inaugural director of the National Qing History Compilation Committee.

Participating scholars say they documented everything from politics and territorial issues to finance under Qing rule. Drafts also featured discussions of Qing-era literature, opera, performance arts such as acrobatics and juggling, and famous craftsmen of the period. “What we hope to present to the people is a comprehensive and profound work brimming with details,” Dai told a Chinese newspaper in 2019.

Dai and his colleagues spent years ferreting out errors in early drafts, including a typo that listed one Manchu prince’s birth as coming 18 years before his father’s.

Dai insisted that the manuscript analyze Qing rule over border regions in a way that upholds national unity, one of his deputies recalled in a 2021 essay. After the Philippines filed a legal challenge in 2013 against Beijing’s territorial claims in the South China Sea, Dai requested the addition of a segment on maritime matters that—consistent with Chinese government narratives—explained how the Qing exercised sovereignty and control over those waters and the islands there, the deputy wrote. :mjlol: :francis:

Xi’s influence loomed large. As party chief, he paid close attention to the project and requested updates several times, according to Dai, who said he submitted materials for the Chinese leader to review. In 2016, Xi instructed the compilation team to speed up their work while maintaining strict quality checks, recalled Dai, who, in turn, told senior colleagues to be more stringent in reviewing chapters on sensitive issues—including borders, oceans, ethnicity, religion and diplomacy.

Dai’s team submitted a manuscript for review in late 2018. Formal vetting began the following year under the auspices of the Communist Party’s propaganda department, the state-run Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and the Chinese Academy of History, an institution set up at Xi’s behest and led by a Qing specialist, according to publicity material about the process. Xi told reviewers to ensure “quality comes first, make constant improvements and conduct strict checks,” the material said.
 

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Part 2:



A banner from the time of the Qing dynasty at a museum in Hangzhou. Photo: Cfoto/Zuma Press

A gate along the Great Wall of China in the historic garrison town of Zhangjiakou in 2006. Photo: frederic j. brown/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
More than 2,000 people worked on the “Qing History,” the latest draft of which comprised 103 volumes—from an original 92—and some 32 million characters.

About 130 experts were assigned to review the manuscript, and in 2023 they issued an assessment that itself ran as many as 1.3 million characters, according to state media and publicity material about the process.

Vetters said the manuscript should emphasize that Qing rulers governed a united multi-ethnic nation—a narrative that helps the Communist Party justify its current rule over a vast territory spanning areas inhabited by ethnic Mongols, Tibetans, Uyghurs and other non-Han Chinese groups, according to the person familiar with the project.

Another critique focused on how the draft depicted how Western powers shaped political changes in China. Vetters indicated that they wanted to play down Western influences on Qing-era political reforms while highlighting the negative impact that foreign imperialists had on Chinese society, the person said.

The Chinese Academy of History didn’t respond to queries.


Portraits of former Chinese leaders Zhou Enlai, left, and Mao Zedong, center, in Beijing. Photo: Qilai Shen/Bloomberg News
Such demands reflect Beijing’s resistance to Qing historians—particularly in the U.S.—who have drawn on sources in Manchu, Uyghur and other languages beyond Chinese to produce work that contradicts the party’s narratives. Many of those scholars characterize the Qing as a Manchu-led empire that conquered China by defeating the Han Chinese-led Ming dynasty, and that went on to annex territory now considered to be Chinese borderlands.

Xi rejects portrayals of the Qing as “an empire of conquest,” because they could encourage separatist sentiment in borderland regions such as Tibet and Xinjiang and boost calls for the formal independence of the self-ruled island of Taiwan
, according to Pamela Kyle Crossley, a Qing expert at Dartmouth College.

“According to Xi Jinping, there have been no conquests in Chinese history. Only happy unifications with people aspiring to be Chinese,” Crossley said.

It isn’t clear when the history might be published. More than a dozen senior historians on the project have died, including Dai in late January at the age of 97, while dozens of others are in their 80s or older, according to a Wall Street Journal tally. The compilation committee must now decide whether to bring in new scholars and how much rewriting they would need to do, said the person familiar with the project.

When work on the tome first started, “though the project was always going to be scholarship in service to politics, the scholarship still came first,” said Mark Elliott, a China historian and Qing expert at Harvard University, who has met some of the project’s leading members. “Now politics comes first and the chapters they have are useless to them.”


An ideological hardening in China under leader Xi Jinping has set back the publication of the epic history, which is more than a decade overdue. Photo: noel celis/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

The snow-covered Shenyang Imperial Palace in northeast China. Photo: Yao Jianfeng/Zuma Press
Write to Chun Han Wong at chunhan.wong@wsj.com
 

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