Part 2:
The point is not that pro sports actually is a religion—it’s that the anti-woke reasons for calling wokeness a religion are so flimsy and arbitrary that they can be applied to all kinds of things. This flimsiness shouldn’t surprise us, since the claim that wokeness is a religion is just as disingenuous as the woke virtue-signaling liberals themselves are. It’s just a disingenuous way for typical conservative capitalist forces to drum up some cheap, fake populist support, a new front in the culture war, to distract from the same old neoliberal free market economic policies that benefit corporations and the rich and screw everybody else.
The most important part of religion is probably salvation, and there’s no concept of salvation to be found within wokeness—which is the critique that anti-woke people themselves make of cancel culture (which is like the enforcement arm of wokeness). So the same people who say wokeness is a religion also say that cancel culture never forgives anyone, which is true—nobody is ever forgiven by wokes, and nothing is ever forgotten. But if wokeness is a religion, then there should be some concept of forgiveness there. But there isn’t.
One of the favorite examples that people who make the argument that wokeness is the new state religion have given in recent months was from a Black Lives Matter protest in June where white cops were washing black people’s feet, and it was viewed as some kind of religious woke ritual. Laura Ingraham described it as “white cops and private citizens [who] washed the feet of black protesters in a Holy Thursday style ceremony of forgiveness… subjugating themselves to a movement,” and other conservative commentators said similar things. But the foot washing was done by a local church as part of what they called a “
Unity Prayer Walk,” as part of their ministry. It was a church activity, not some woke college students on a rampage—and the cops were only there, they later said, to show support But it didn’t matter, videos and images of this incident were widely circulated and used as like the final proof that wokeness is fully religious.
Rufo relies on the mass public displays of woke Black Lives Matter protests to be his evidence that wokeness is a religion, twisting the actual events to fit his narrative—meanwhile these people go put of their way to ignore Trumpism, which to anyone with eyes is equally as religious as wokeness, and probably more so. And doesn’t Trump have more power than these shadowy Cultural Marxists, since he is, you know, the current president of the United States? What is Donald Trump if not a cult leader, and what is a cult leader if not a religious figure? Rufo critiques the role of faith in the woke worldview, but what is motivating Trumpism more than blind, unwarranted faith in Trump’s ability to Make America Great Again? After four years of incompetence and lies from Trump, what explains his enduring support other than a religious attachment? What is his reality-free campaign against “Illegal Votes” and nonexistent voter fraud, if not a religious crusade? Trump is the most anti-woke figure in modern political history, and his political power derives from a kind of religious fervor. Anti-wokeness is not only fully compatible with religion, it seems to thrive off of it, much more than wokeness does—and anti-wokeness is a religious force that currently has the White House. With no intention of giving it up.
If you are serious about analyzing the threats of a new political religion, then
Trumpism would have to be at the top of the list. And this is not even to mention American Fundamentalist political Christianity, which is a very well-established, well-funded, highly organized juggernaut in American politics—and one of their most extreme zealots, Mike Pence, is the current Vice President. Jeremy Scahill
said that Trump’s win would make Mike Pence the “most powerful Christian Supremacist in history.” Another one, Mike Pompeo, who
described the War on Terror as a holy war between Christianity and Islam, is the current Secretary of State. Bill Barr, who The Nation
described last year as “neck deep in extremist catholic institutions,”is the Attorney General. Those are just a small number—I could go on and on. All these people are far more religious and far more powerful than any woke person in the country. Any real analysis of the danger of state religion would have to talk about all of this, and people like Rufo never do. And I didn’t even mention QAnon, which is a far more organized, unhinged, and religious social, cultural, and political movement than wokeness—with a much clearer “cosmology” and set of foundational sacred texts (Q’s posts themselves) than wokeness. And QAnon has a key feature of religiosity—a fully developed eschatology based on “a coming storm” (one of the QAnon cults’ most frequently repeated mantras) that will wipe away evil from America.
Back to the New Atheist connection. It’s easy to forget now, because the George W. Bush years (2000-2008) have kind of been disappeared down the memory hole as Bush gets rehabilitated by Ellen and becomes more well-known for his portrait hobby than anything else, and the Iraq War becomes a distant memory and so on. But the New Atheists were a very prominent group of commentators during that time. Sam Harris, Richard Dawkins, Daniel Dennett, and Christopher Hitchens were called the Four Atheist Horsemen of the Apocalypse for their relentless critique of the role of religion in society. We could add someone like Steven Pinker to this group, though he wasn’t as much of a culture war figure as they were back then—but he sure is now. His plea for “
Enlightenment” values, and Jordan Peterson’s plea for “classical liberal values” is very much of a piece with the New Atheists. And people like Rufo and James Lindsay are continuing it. It’s no surprise that all of these people are in no way leftist. The New Atheists claimed to support reason and progress and so on, but they all supported endless war against “Islamic terror,” wherever it could be found. The neocon War on Terror needed the specific type of
Islamophobia that Sam Harris and Christopher Hitchens peddled—they gave it a helpful air of scientific respectability and reason. But it was just low grade religious bigotry in service of feeding the endless American military-industrial complex, not unlike one of the key early rallying cries of Trumpism, the Muslim ban.
Maybe the most important lesson to draw from the history of the New Atheists is that their hatred of religion itself took on a religious fervor. Harris and Dawkins especially became more unhinged and extreme in their anti-religious rhetoric—Hitchens was the most virulent, but he died in 2011. Hitchens ended up as a pathetic cheerleader for the global War on Terror. Is there any doubt that this is happening with the anti-woke crowd—that their fervor against wokeness has itself become religious? They say that wokeness is an elite project, which is fair enough, and obvious, but they also called it a religion, so that suggests they think religion is an elite ruling class project. Is this what they are actually saying? Of course not—anyone affiliated with Claremont Conservatism does not have those opinions about religion.
The people making this point are usually religious themselves, or connected to religious groups, or at least the audience they’re appealing to usually are religious—and yet they’re trying to critique wokeness by calling it religious, as if religion is bad. But again they don’t think religion is bad, so they aren’t really calling wokeness a religion, and if they are, they mean a bad religion, like Satanism.
So it’s like another
Satanic Panic—they are calling wokeness a form of Satanism. But just like the Satanic Panic of late 1980s/early 1990s America, there is no there there—it is just a useful culture war tool for conservative forces to drum up cheap popular support while continuing to economically screw over the working classes.
Let’s take a look at James Lindsay’s
own explanation for why wokeness is a religion. He has rapidly turned into the go-to-guy for people to turn to and reference in this growing cottage industry of calling wokeness a new religion. I wouldn’t be surprised if he delivers this message on the Joe Rogan podcast in the near future. His background is in the sociology of religion, which is why he is an authoritative-seeming voice on this. He says that people turn to religion to make meaning and to get control, which is true. But this applies to plenty of things besides wokeness. This is what every self-care trend is about—the 2010s was about wokeness, yes, but also about a wide variety of liberal bourgeois self-care tendencies, from GOOP to ASMR and on and on, all of which can be called religious just much as wokeness. It’s not just wokeness—but that is singled out and amplified because it is a useful tool for the ruling class to use to create the fake, negative solidarity of anti-wokeness, which just obscures class dynamics.
But if you accept what Lindsay is saying about a lack of meaning and control in America, you can ask what’s causing the lack of meaning and control, and the answer is capitalist exploitation and alienation. So if wokeness is a religion, then as Marx said of all religions, it is caused by material deprivation. People are developing these religious tendencies because they have no meaning in an alienated capitalist environment and no control in a capitalist work relation. If we want to stop these undesirable religious tendencies from increasing, then ending capitalist exploitation and alienation is the way to do it. But that’s not what people like Lindsay, who inveigh against “neo-Marxism” just like Jordan Peterson and other right wing commentators do, would want. And Trumpism, again, is a much more tangible, entrenched and powerful expression of the religious effects of a lack of meaning and lack of control. People voted for Trump because their lives were meaningless and hopeless and because they felt like they had no control over the system. Supporting Trump was a vote of faith that he alone could overturn all of the things that stop them from having control and that prevented them from having meaning in their lives. Trumpism is the political religion of the age, and it has economic roots. All the talk about the religion of wokeness by right-wing commentators is just meant to obscure this, so that the ownership class can keep things going on just as they are.
It should be noted again that not all those pushing this idea that wokeness is a religion are right-wing commentators. The Left Heretics, mentioned earlier, include Glenn Greenwald, Matt Taibbi, Lee Fang, and others, but Greenwald is probably the most prominent. They are called Left Heretics because they are members of the left-liberal media class, broadly conceived, who are anti-woke, meaning they critique the influence of wokeness in politics, culture, and society. The implication is that they are heretical against wokeness—and you can only be heretical against something religious. This is basically the same role that Sam Harris and other New Atheists played 10 years ago.
Greenwald himself even wrote a critique of these people, who had aspects of some kind of liberalism in their critique of tradition and so on, but were, as Greenwald said, just feeding into reactionary tendencies at the time. This is essentially what Greenwald is doing now—what are “Left Heretics” if not New New Atheists? And their new brand as Left Heretics requires something to be heretical against—which is why the spectre of the New Woke Religion must be constructed, supported, mythologized, and so on.
Wokeness exists, yes, and it is bad, as everyone knows—but it is being portrayed as a religion by institutional conservative forces eager to score unearned populist points, and by media grifters to keep their brands going.