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Clyburn doesn’t want Biden to be like FDR
Clyburn doesn’t want Biden to be like FDR
By LAURA BARRÓN-LÓPEZ, ALEX THOMPSON and THEODORIC MEYER
04/13/2021 06:45 PM EDT
Presented by Climate Power
With help from Allie Bice
Welcome to POLITICO’s 2021 Transition Playbook, your guide to the first 100 days of the Biden administration
HARRY TRUMAN would like a word.
It’s only Day 84 of JOE BIDEN’s presidency but there’s already been a lot of ink spilled, including by White House chief of staff RON KLAIN, comparing Biden to FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT.
Klain has twice tweeted an FDR quote, “action, and action now” — both times in reference to Biden. In a more explicit comparison, he tweeted side-by-side photos of FDR’s Cabinet and Biden’s Cabinet. And he's also promoted comments by columnists and media personalities linking the former president and the current one.
But House Majority Whip JIM CLYBURN (D-S.C.) has a different take.
The Biden ally, widely credited with turning around the former vice president’s bid for the nomination, brought up the FDR comparisons in a recent interview when discussing ways Biden could cement an outsized legacy.
“See I'm one who feel, contrary to some of our friends, that Joe Biden's legacy, if he's going to have credibility, must be much closer to Harry Truman than to Franklin Roosevelt,” Clyburn said. “I hear people talking about Joe Biden all the time comparing him to FDR. FDR's legacy was not good for Black people.”
“A Fair Deal rather than a New Deal,” he continued, referring to Truman’s “Fair Deal” agenda, which included civil rights protections. “Just because the thing is new doesn't mean it's fair. Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal was not fair to Black people. And I don't know why people just skip over that, for some reason don't want to deal with that.”
We know it’s early in the presidency to make grand historical analogies. But the White House and Biden himself have invited this academic exercise. Biden has prominent tributes to both presidents in his Oval Office: a bust of Truman flanking the Resolute Desk and a large portrait of Roosevelt that hangs directly across from the desk. His aides were reportedly trading FDR biographies before inauguration. During the campaign, Biden told Sen. BERNIE SANDERS (I-Vt.) he wanted “to be the most progressive President since FDR.”
Most historians who spoke to Transition Playbook said that FDR’s presidency was more consequential than Truman’s given the overlapping crises he confronted. Since Biden is also facing several crises at once, they said that if Biden insisted on modeling his presidency on one of the two -- FDR or Truman -- they’d go with the former.
But no one disputed Clyburn’s central premise about Truman being a stronger advocate for Black Americans than FDR. And Biden’s base of support is much more dependent on Black voters than Roosevelt or Truman’s ever was.
“FDR had to dance around the Southern conservatives in his party who would have voted against the New Deal if he had insisted on doing as much for African Americans as he wanted to (and as his wife, Eleanor, urged him to do),” H.W. BRANDS, a University of Texas presidential historian and the author of a Roosevelt biography, “Traitor to his Class,” wrote in an email. “But FDR did ban discrimination in the defense industry — by executive order, for which he didn't need any votes.”
But that executive order, said San Francisco State University historian ROBERT C. SMITH, came at the last minute under immense pressure from civil rights leader A. PHILIP RANDOLPH, a labor unionist who had threatened a march on Washington over jobs for Black people in the defense industry.
Much of the New Deal was “compromised by racism,” Smith said, co-author of “Polarization and the Presidency: From FDR to Barack Obama.” Truman‘s record on racial equity, on the other hand, “both rhetorically and substantively was the most advanced since” President BENJAMIN HARRISON, who left office in 1893.
Just as FDR’s focus on welfare and jobs programs was driven by the crises he faced, Truman’s civil rights agenda was based on political expediency and a desire to improve the country’s image during the Cold War. Truman was the first president to address the NAACP and appointed a commission to study civil rights. But he did it because his political advisers told him the “balance of power” in the 1948 election “would be in the so-called swing states of Northeast and Midwest and that the Black vote would make the difference.”
Biden has made racial equity a centerpiece of his domestic agenda, “more so than any president since LYNDON JOHNSON,” Smith said. But Congress presents major “limitations” for Biden to have an impact equal to LBJ’s on race and FDR’s in scope.
Without real congressional majorities like FDR and LBJ, Biden’s ability to do things like make the child tax credit permanent and sign a restoration of the Voting Rights Act into law remains an open question.
“The point is that Biden should learn from their failures and be even bigger and more expansive,” EDDIE S. GLAUDE Jr., a Princeton historian who met with Biden and other historians at the White House last month, said of comparisons to FDR and Truman. “This is his moment.”
Biden has already included racial equity in his response to the health and economic crises he inherited, including billions for disadvantaged farmers in his Covid-19 stimulus package. The aid directed toward Black farmers was seen by some as a form of reparations.
Still, there are risks to setting the bar at FDR, some historians warned, especially as Biden confronts greater polarization and thin majorities in Congress. That may be why, despite repeated FDR comparisons by White House staff, one historian who spoke with the president said that “Biden doesn’t compare himself to FDR, I think that’s been misreported.”
Rather, “the beginning of the allusions was really about the compounding crises [Roosevelt] faced.” The historian, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the private conversation, suggested that Biden is trying to learn from them, not become them. “I think he has looked around and said ‘I have this job because I’m Joe Biden. I’m not Lincoln. I’m not FDR.’”
Do you work in the Biden administration? Are you in touch with the White House? Are you CHRISTY ABIZAID?
We want to hear from you — and we’ll keep you anonymous: transitiontips@politico.com. Or if you want to stay really anonymous send us a tip through SecureDrop, Signal, Telegram, or Whatsapp here. You can also reach Alex and Theo individually if you prefer. Let’s chat for the next piece, Bobby.
Clyburn doesn’t want Biden to be like FDR
Clyburn doesn’t want Biden to be like FDR
By LAURA BARRÓN-LÓPEZ, ALEX THOMPSON and THEODORIC MEYER
04/13/2021 06:45 PM EDT
Presented by Climate Power
With help from Allie Bice
Welcome to POLITICO’s 2021 Transition Playbook, your guide to the first 100 days of the Biden administration
HARRY TRUMAN would like a word.
It’s only Day 84 of JOE BIDEN’s presidency but there’s already been a lot of ink spilled, including by White House chief of staff RON KLAIN, comparing Biden to FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT.
Klain has twice tweeted an FDR quote, “action, and action now” — both times in reference to Biden. In a more explicit comparison, he tweeted side-by-side photos of FDR’s Cabinet and Biden’s Cabinet. And he's also promoted comments by columnists and media personalities linking the former president and the current one.
But House Majority Whip JIM CLYBURN (D-S.C.) has a different take.
The Biden ally, widely credited with turning around the former vice president’s bid for the nomination, brought up the FDR comparisons in a recent interview when discussing ways Biden could cement an outsized legacy.
“See I'm one who feel, contrary to some of our friends, that Joe Biden's legacy, if he's going to have credibility, must be much closer to Harry Truman than to Franklin Roosevelt,” Clyburn said. “I hear people talking about Joe Biden all the time comparing him to FDR. FDR's legacy was not good for Black people.”
“A Fair Deal rather than a New Deal,” he continued, referring to Truman’s “Fair Deal” agenda, which included civil rights protections. “Just because the thing is new doesn't mean it's fair. Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal was not fair to Black people. And I don't know why people just skip over that, for some reason don't want to deal with that.”
We know it’s early in the presidency to make grand historical analogies. But the White House and Biden himself have invited this academic exercise. Biden has prominent tributes to both presidents in his Oval Office: a bust of Truman flanking the Resolute Desk and a large portrait of Roosevelt that hangs directly across from the desk. His aides were reportedly trading FDR biographies before inauguration. During the campaign, Biden told Sen. BERNIE SANDERS (I-Vt.) he wanted “to be the most progressive President since FDR.”
Most historians who spoke to Transition Playbook said that FDR’s presidency was more consequential than Truman’s given the overlapping crises he confronted. Since Biden is also facing several crises at once, they said that if Biden insisted on modeling his presidency on one of the two -- FDR or Truman -- they’d go with the former.
But no one disputed Clyburn’s central premise about Truman being a stronger advocate for Black Americans than FDR. And Biden’s base of support is much more dependent on Black voters than Roosevelt or Truman’s ever was.
“FDR had to dance around the Southern conservatives in his party who would have voted against the New Deal if he had insisted on doing as much for African Americans as he wanted to (and as his wife, Eleanor, urged him to do),” H.W. BRANDS, a University of Texas presidential historian and the author of a Roosevelt biography, “Traitor to his Class,” wrote in an email. “But FDR did ban discrimination in the defense industry — by executive order, for which he didn't need any votes.”
But that executive order, said San Francisco State University historian ROBERT C. SMITH, came at the last minute under immense pressure from civil rights leader A. PHILIP RANDOLPH, a labor unionist who had threatened a march on Washington over jobs for Black people in the defense industry.
Much of the New Deal was “compromised by racism,” Smith said, co-author of “Polarization and the Presidency: From FDR to Barack Obama.” Truman‘s record on racial equity, on the other hand, “both rhetorically and substantively was the most advanced since” President BENJAMIN HARRISON, who left office in 1893.
Just as FDR’s focus on welfare and jobs programs was driven by the crises he faced, Truman’s civil rights agenda was based on political expediency and a desire to improve the country’s image during the Cold War. Truman was the first president to address the NAACP and appointed a commission to study civil rights. But he did it because his political advisers told him the “balance of power” in the 1948 election “would be in the so-called swing states of Northeast and Midwest and that the Black vote would make the difference.”
Biden has made racial equity a centerpiece of his domestic agenda, “more so than any president since LYNDON JOHNSON,” Smith said. But Congress presents major “limitations” for Biden to have an impact equal to LBJ’s on race and FDR’s in scope.
Without real congressional majorities like FDR and LBJ, Biden’s ability to do things like make the child tax credit permanent and sign a restoration of the Voting Rights Act into law remains an open question.
“The point is that Biden should learn from their failures and be even bigger and more expansive,” EDDIE S. GLAUDE Jr., a Princeton historian who met with Biden and other historians at the White House last month, said of comparisons to FDR and Truman. “This is his moment.”
Biden has already included racial equity in his response to the health and economic crises he inherited, including billions for disadvantaged farmers in his Covid-19 stimulus package. The aid directed toward Black farmers was seen by some as a form of reparations.
Still, there are risks to setting the bar at FDR, some historians warned, especially as Biden confronts greater polarization and thin majorities in Congress. That may be why, despite repeated FDR comparisons by White House staff, one historian who spoke with the president said that “Biden doesn’t compare himself to FDR, I think that’s been misreported.”
Rather, “the beginning of the allusions was really about the compounding crises [Roosevelt] faced.” The historian, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the private conversation, suggested that Biden is trying to learn from them, not become them. “I think he has looked around and said ‘I have this job because I’m Joe Biden. I’m not Lincoln. I’m not FDR.’”
Do you work in the Biden administration? Are you in touch with the White House? Are you CHRISTY ABIZAID?
We want to hear from you — and we’ll keep you anonymous: transitiontips@politico.com. Or if you want to stay really anonymous send us a tip through SecureDrop, Signal, Telegram, or Whatsapp here. You can also reach Alex and Theo individually if you prefer. Let’s chat for the next piece, Bobby.
@FAH1223 your best friend denies white supremacy in the founding of the country
@Red Shield @Michael's Black Son @Sukairain @YouMadd? @Basil of Baker Street @SupremexKing @Cat piss martini @AndroidHero @Pirius Black @panopticon @johnedwarduado @neotheflyingone @Ishlibidish23 @SJUGRAD13 @BlueHeffner
@Red Shield @Michael's Black Son @Sukairain @YouMadd? @Basil of Baker Street @SupremexKing @Cat piss martini @AndroidHero @Pirius Black @panopticon @johnedwarduado @neotheflyingone @Ishlibidish23 @SJUGRAD13 @BlueHeffner
