The Contrarian/Anti-Woke left continue trend of Anti-Democrat/Black & Dirtbag Leftist grift
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AnonymityX1000
Veteran
Yo Nap, friend of yours?
'Brooklyn Dad' influencer slammed for taking PAC money
Talk about grifting while being a hardcore grifter brehs.
'Brooklyn Dad' influencer slammed for taking PAC money
Talk about grifting while being a hardcore grifter brehs.
Those black blue checks are probably heated.Yo Nap, friend of yours?
'Brooklyn Dad' influencer slammed for taking PAC money
Talk about grifting while being a hardcore grifter brehs.
He’s on the right side of the issues.Yo Nap, friend of yours?
'Brooklyn Dad' influencer slammed for taking PAC money
Talk about grifting while being a hardcore grifter brehs.
AnonymityX1000
Veteran
How do we know, everything he posts he is paid to say? His posts are centrist drivel but does he believe them?
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Gwen Snyder is uncivil Profile picture
It's worth remembering that fascism is and has always been an attempt to superficially co-opt leftist verbiage and imagery in an effort to divert popular worker energy towards militant defense of capitalist colonialism
In Mein Kampf, Hitler writes at length about exactly this strategy-- co-opting socialist language/symbolism around worker unity while gutting it of any actual suggestion of creating autonomous worker power.
If you look at the early Nazi party, you see a lot of footsoldiers who buy into that broader "worker" populism and really believed a Hitler regime would be worker-driven.
Same with Italy and the Blackshirts.
True believers in that hollow co-option of leftism get the boot or worse once a fascist strongman consolidates power (hi, Ernst Rohm), but that illusion of fascism as worker movement is a if not the core ingredient of fascist takeover.
That doesn't mean that the "worker" brownshirts are really actually workers so much as folks who identify as downtrodden and forgotten, often in relation to the hyper-wealthy.
So, they're often actually ay least somewhat resourced (see: MAGAs taking private jets to the coup)
What fascism does initially is conflate the worker identity the left constructs with a *national* identity that can be claimed cross-class and used as a way to identify as downtrodden in relation to a real or imagined empowered foreign international class.
So for Italy, they were mad that their late stage unification meant a bunch of other countries got to the most lucrative parts of the colonial pinata before they did.
Germany built that myth by blaming an imagined international Jewish cabal for their post-WWI conditions.
People *really* like to act like US MAGA fascism is about class, but when we do that what we're actually doing is reinforcing that nationalist reworking of worker identity.
We're agreeing to imagine that the nationalistically aggrieved automatically get oppressed worker status.
You know who is an amazing example of this conflation of worker and nationalist aggrievement?
Steve Bannon.
Like Rohm, he very sincerely believed/believes that we are a nation of workers oppressed by, ahem, "globalists."
The moment I realized Trump might be able to win was when he started going "left" of Hillary on worker issues like tariffs and NAFTA and TPP.
He was selectively co-opting left worker issues that were international and therefore mappable onto fascist nationalism.
What we have to realize about Trump is that he is a fascist, but failed (at least this time around) largely not because of incompetence but bc of impatience.
He didn't let Bannon-- his Rohm-- finish the work of appropriating leftist worker language in service of nationalism.
We *also* have to look at the dirtbag left and ALL the service it did of promoting savior-politician narratives and labeling white middle class reactionaries as "leftist workers" and mocking intersectionalism and understand EXACTLY what role they were attempting to play.
They were and are working to do the EXACT task that fascism requires in order to claim the hollow symbolism of leftism without the core values.
They pushed a model of "worker power" that had shyt-all to do with actual workers and everything to do with valorizing political hero cults helmed by class-privileged men that that nominally embrace "worker power" but shun actual mass mobilization & actual working class leaders.
They actively mocked the kinds of intersectional liberation work that challenge nationalist reactionaryism and worked to push sophist class reductionist arguments about how the chief sins of ultra-nationalism (racism, misogyny, xenophobia, a host of others) don't exist, actually
The entire project of fascism involves stealing the aesthetics and anger of leftist worker movement while demonizing the autonomous power-building and liberatory aspects that make it transformative.
The vehicle of fascism is appropriated leftist momentum.
That's why leftists HAVE to work defensively to make sure that intersectional liberation irrevocable from our project at every level.
If it's not front and center in our language, our demands, our power structures, and our anesthetics at every stage, internally and externally, in a real and unavoidable and fundamental way, it becomes susceptible to fascist appropriation.
Not all dirtbag "leftists" are crypto-fash.
But their work is the active work of erasing intersectional liberatory struggle from leftism to make it more "welcoming" of reactionaries who might support their preferred hero daddy figure at the polls.
They argue that once their hero daddy gets elected, he'll take care of all the issues of class, and--since they conveniently argue all other issues of oppression are class-derivative--everyone will end up liberated anyway.
In practice, dirtbag "leftism" invited unreformed Nazis into left space, alienating the rest of left coalition (especially the marginalized people that disproportionately make up the *actual* working class).
They effectively dissolved an intersectional economic justice-centered leftist movement that was finally gaining ground and creating real autonomous electoral power outside the traditional Democratic establishment.
A movement that had taken three decades-plus to grow.
They replaced it with a hero-worship cult with the aesthetic trappings and anger of worker movement leftism, but none of the commitment to autonomous power or actual worker leadership.
In essence, they did the work of the fascists for them.
Some of them, like Red Scare and the Cum Town dudes and Terese and Dore, they very obviously *want* to be leaders in a red-brownshirt movement that essentially cosplays the early, pre-consolidation stages of fascism.
Others, like the Chapo gang, seem to just be mining the phenomenon for fame and money.
They like the idea of being capos in a hero worship cult, of carving out a niche of reactionary power that brings politicians courting their favor.
And money.
Lots of money.
Either way, though, they have spent five years creating a "leftist" subculture devoid of the very behaviors and values that immunize leftist movement against fascist co-option.
Instead of learning from history, they're offering fascists golden opportunities to recreate it.
The grifters I understand.
They're betting we never get to a point where fascist power is so consolidated that the tide changes and the long knives come out for them, and they've profited handsomely off that bet so far.
The Dores and the Greenwalds still mystify me a bit, though.
They really seem to be convinced that they can just get us to some golden red-brown period, even though history very much tells us such periods are just stepping stones to fascist consolidation in service of capital.
Anyway, both the grifters and the seemingly genuine red-brownnosers have very much worked to create a functional dirtbag facsimile of hollow, fascism-appropriated left rhetoric centered around hero-worship.
It's no wonder that fascists are increasingly borrowing from it-- it's tailor-made for them.
The dirtbag left literally just did all the prep work for them.
They laid all the ingredients out on the table for them.
I took a lot of heat last year for saying that the dirtbag left functions as a pipeline to fascism.
I think that metaphor holds in a lot of ways, and I stand by it, but the more my understanding deepens, the more that analogy feels inadequate, passive.
The dirtbag left isn't just sort of hooked up passively to some demonic plumbing apparatus.
Its engagement with contemporary fascism is much more deliberately co-constitutive, much more agentive.
If fascism is the chef, the dirtbag left has found butchery as its niche.
It does the prep work of exsanguinating and dividing "leftism," working to take the messy living autonomism of the left and turn it into manageable raw material for whatever fascism is trying to serve up.
And again, historically fascism has *always* operated by butchering the worker left and dressing up in its skin.
Fascism is always an elaborate ruse to protect the capitalists, who never once stop eating the workers for dinner.
What's remarkable about the dirtbag "left" is their absolute conviction that they are the "real left," that they represent socialist worker power even as all but the most famous of them work long shifts in the abattoir for free.
It shouldn't surprise us that fascists appropriate the appearance of leftism; that's how fascist entryism historically operates.
What should shock us is the degree to which "leftist" subculture has eagerly volunteered itself to lay the groundwork for this appropriation.
The only way out is new liberatory organizing that's even more militantly intersectional than what we built before.
The fact that the dirtbags managed to so wholly subvert what came before is tragic, but also tells us that what we'd built was inherently flawed.
That fact should humble those of us who spent significant time working to build that movement, and if we're honest with ourselves we can look back and see where we gave in to urgencies of white patriarchy, where we agreed to wait until later to address the internally oppressive.
The places where we ignored or delayed addressing our own internal perpetuations of oppression are exactly the weak points that the dirtbag "left" latched onto and exploited.
And it's worth noting that movements that some of us viewed as too out there, too openly militant about intersectional justice and moral truth, are movements that are thriving and beautiful today: police abolition, prison abolition, antifascism, militant trans justice.
They thrive because they are not movements that tend to create those sites of compromise in service of mainstream acceptance, and as a result they've maintained their autonomy and avoided the creation of sites that fascists (and their useful fool dirtbag "leftists") can exploit.
Ultimately, our liberatory movements are only as strong as our commitment to intersectional liberation.
The moment we compromise on some people's liberation, we open the door to compromise on *all* of our liberation.
In other words, we open the door to fascists.
The dirtbag "left" may have rolled out the welcome mat, but the lesson we need to learn is that it was the willingness of our movement to compromise that created the entryway.
Intersectionality isn't just about inclusivity.
It's a form of self-defense.
It prevents fascism from hijacking our movement and ultimately using that stolen energy and identity to destroy us.
If fascism can't exploit the left, it can't establish a foothold.
I don't blame the left for the rise of Trumpian fascism, but we have to acknowledge that appropriation of our momentum is how fascism establishes itself.
If we build momentum without grounding it in militant intersectional justice, we risk co-option.
We have a responsibility.
Fascism is a reactive co-option of leftist success, a desperate attempt to disguise capitalism in the clothes of worker justice to preempt worker uprising.
It will always try to co-opt leftism.
The lesson isn't to facilitate that effort.
The lesson is to be unco-optable.
(The end)
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Gwen Snyder is uncivil Profile picture
I don't think it's conspiracy theory so much as a really unfortunate reality about the reactionary fate of selectively liberatory movements that fail to become intersectional.
Folks want to get liberated on one plane while keeping privilege that marginalizes folks on others.
I've talked about the notion of the urgency of white supremacy-- the impulse that has (white) people say "oh we can't deal with our racist internal shyt now, our external goal is too important/urgent for us to slow down and do that, we'll do it later"
I've seen that sort of false urgency used to throw almost every category of marginalized folks under the bus in one setting or another.
I've certainly seen it happen with folks who didn't want to address sexual assault.
The excuse is urgency, but the reality is that privilege occurs on a number of different planes of identity and a lot of folks want to make excuses to hang on to what unearned privilege they do have--
Even claiming that their unearned privilege on one axis is their due, or impossible, based on their marginalization on another.
One popular strategy is to pretend that there's only one "real" plane of identity where oppression occurs, the others are derivative.
We see that with dirtbags a lot-- they'll claim the economic axis is the only real plane of identity, all others are derivative.
So a dirtbag will be like, I can't be racist, racism is really a form of class oppression and I'm not rich so I can't be class oppressive.
At the end of the day, single-plane liberatory struggles are doomed to turn reactionary unless they embrace intersectionality and understand that there are manifold planes of identity, and therefore manifold planes of oppression, and they are all linked.
Linked by us, because we operate on all these planes, and the ones we don't notice are likely the ones we hold the most unearned privilege within.
We have to understand that liberation is about abolishing systems of oppression on *all* those planes, not just those we notice.
And we have to understand that the work of that liberation will be painful, because very few of us live without *any* privilege.
We all have our blindered spots to confront and practice some humility around and find our way to reparation (though some much more than others).
None of us are free until we all are free, but it can be very tempting to try and reduce reality to only the planes we feel slighted on so we can focus on how we were wronged instead of the wrongs we perpetuate.
Movements that give in to that temptation instead of the radical freedom of intersectional vision are movements doomed to reactionaryism and ultimately failure.
They're more comfortable.
But ultimately, they end up reinforcing our chains.
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AquaCityBoy
Veteran
I just read up on this shyt. Her twitter says she's running to fight white supremacy in America.
So this white woman is going to primary a black congressman, in a district that is 54% black, by calling him and 'establishment neoliberal shill' and saying she's going to fight to end white supremacy?
