The Combat and Military Systems of Africa and its Diaspora

The Odum of Ala Igbo

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Part III
In February 2013, the U.S. also began flying Predator drones out of Niger’s capital, Niamey. A year later, Captain Rick Cook, then chief of U.S. Africa Command’s Engineer Division, mentioned the potential for a new “base-like facility” that would be “semi-permanent” and “capable of air operations” in that country. That September, the Washington Post’s Craig Whitlockexposed plans to base drones at a second location there, Agadez. Within days, the U.S. Embassy in Niamey announced that AFRICOM was, indeed, “assessing the possibility of establishing a temporary, expeditionary contingency support location in Agadez, Niger.”

Earlier this year, Captain Rodney Worden of AFRICOM’s Logistics and Support Division mentioned “a partnering and capacity-building project... for the Niger Air Force and Armed Forces in concert with USAFRICOM and [U.S.] Air Forces Africa to construct a runway and associated work/life support area for airfield operations.” And when the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016 was introduced in April, embedded in it was a $50 million request for the construction of an “airfield and base camp at Agadez, Niger... to support operations in western Africa.” When Congress recently passed the annual defense policy bill, that sum was authorized.

According to Brigadier General Donald Bolduc, the head of U.S. Special Operations Command Africa, there is also a team of Special Operations forces currently “living right next to” local troops in Diffa, Niger. A 2013 military briefing slide, obtained by TomDispatch via the Freedom of Information Act, indicates a “U.S. presence” as well in Ouallam, Niger, and at both Bamako and Kidal in neighboring Mali. Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso, a country that borders both of those nations, plays host to a Special Operations Forces Liaison Element Team, a Joint Special Operations Air Detachment, and the Trans-Sahara Short Take-Off and Landing Airlift Support initiative which, according to official documents, facilitates “high-risk activities” carried out by elite forces from Joint Special Operations Task Force-Trans Sahara.

On the other side of the continent in Somalia, elite U.S. forces are operatingfrom small compounds in Kismayo and Baledogle, according to reporting byForeign Policy. Neighboring Ethiopia has similarly been a prime locale for American outposts, including Camp Gilbert in Dire Dawa, contingency operating locations at both Hurso and Bilate, and facilities used by a 40-man team based in Bara. So-called Combined Operations Fusion Centers were set up in the Democratic Republic of Congo and South Sudan as part of an effort to destroy Joseph Kony and his murderous Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). Washington Post investigations have revealed that U.S. forces have also been based in Djema, Sam Ouandja, and Obo, in the Central African Republic as part of that effort. There has recently been new construction by Navy Seabees at Obo to increase the camp’s capacity as well as to install the infrastructure for a satellite dish.

There are other locations that, while not necessarily outposts, nonetheless form critical nodes in the U.S. base network on the continent. These include 10 marine gas and oil bunkers located at ports in eight African nations. Additionally, AFRICOM acknowledges an agreement to use Léopold Sédar Senghor International Airport in Senegal for refueling as well as for the “transportation of teams participating in security cooperation activities.” A similar deal is in place for the use of Kitgum Airport in Kitgum, Uganda, and Addis Ababa Bole International Airport in Ethiopia. All told, according to the Defense Logistics Agency, the U.S. military has struck 29 agreements to use airports as refueling centers in 27 African countries.

Not all U.S. bases in Africa have seen continuous use in these years. After the American-backed military overthrew the government of Mauritania in 2008, for example, the U.S. suspended an airborne surveillance program based in its capital, Nouakchott. Following a coup in Mali by a U.S.-trained officer, the United States suspended military relations with the government and a spartan U.S. compound near the town of Gao was apparently overrunby rebel forces.

Most of the new outposts on that continent, however, seem to be putting down roots. As TomDispatch regular and basing expert David Vine suggests, “The danger of the strategy in which you see U.S. bases popping up increasingly around the continent is that once bases get established they become very difficult to close. Once they generate momentum, within Congress and in terms of funding, they have a tendency to expand.”

To supply its troops in East Africa, AFRICOM has also built a sophisticated logistics system. It’s officially known as the Surface Distribution Network, but colloquially referred to as the “new spice route.” It connects Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, and Djibouti. These hubs are, in turn, part of a transportation and logistics network that includes bases located in Rota, Spain; Aruba in the Lesser Antilles; Souda Bay, Greece; and a forward operating site on Britain’s Ascension Island in the South Atlantic.

Germany’s Ramstein Air Base, headquarters of U.S. Air Forces Europe and one of the largest American military bases outside the United States, is another key site. As the Intercept reported earlier this year, it serves as “the high-tech heart of America’s drone program” for the Greater Middle East and Africa. Germany is also host to AFRICOM’s headquarters, located at Kelley Barracks in Stuttgart-Moehringen, itself a site reportedly integral to drone operations in Africa.

In addition to hosting a contingent of the Marines and sailors of Special-Purpose Marine Air-Ground Task Force Crisis Response-Africa, Sigonella Naval Air Station in Sicily, Italy, is another important logistics facility for African operations. The second-busiest military air station in Europe, Sigonella is a key hub for drones covering Africa, serving as a base for MQ-1 Predators and RQ-4B Global Hawk surveillance drones.

The Crown Jewels

Back on the continent, the undisputed crown jewel in the U.S. archipelago of bases is indeed still Camp Lemonnier. To quote Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter, it is “a hub with lots of spokes out there on the continent and in the region.” Sharing a runway with Djibouti's Ambouli International Airport, the sprawling compound is the headquarters of Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa and is home to the East Africa Response Force, another regional quick-reaction unit. The camp, which also serves as the forward headquarters for Task Force 48-4, a hush-hush counterterrorism unit targeting militants in East Africa and Yemen, has seen personnel stationed there jump by more than 400% since 2002.

In the same period, Camp Lemonnier has expanded from 88 acres to nearly 600 acres and is in the midst of a years-long building boom for which more than $600 million has already been awarded or allocated. In late 2013, for example, B.L. Harbert International, an Alabama-based construction company, was awarded a $150 million contract by the Navy for “the P-688 Forward Operating Base at Camp Lemonnier.” According to a corporate press release, “the site is approximately 20 acres in size, and will contain 11 primary structures and ancillary facilities required to support current and emerging operational missions throughout the region.”
 

The Odum of Ala Igbo

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Part IV
In 2014, the Navy completed construction of a $750,000 secure facility for Special Operations Command Forward-East Africa (SOCFWD-EA). It is one of three similar teams on the continent -- the others being SOCFWD-Central Africa and SOCFWD-North and West Africa -- which, according to the military, “shape and coordinate special operations forces security cooperation and engagement in support of theater special operations command, geographic combatant command, and country team goals and objectives.”

In 2012, according to secret documents recently revealed by the Intercept, 10 Predator drones and four Reaper drones were based at Camp Lemonnier, along with six U-28As (a single-engine aircraft that conducts surveillance for special operations forces) and two P-3 Orions (a four-engine turboprop surveillance aircraft). There were also eight F-15E Strike Eagles, heavily armed, manned fighter jets. By August 2012, an average of 16 drones and four fighters were taking off or landing at the base each day.

The next year, in the wake of a number of drone crashes and turmoil involving Djiboutian air traffic controllers, drone operations were moved to a more remote site located about six miles away. Djibouti’s Chabelley Airfield, which has seen significant construction of late and has a much lower profile than Camp Lemonnier, now serves as a key base for America’s regional drone campaign. Dan Gettinger, the co-founder and co-director of the Center for the Study of the Drone at Bard College, recently told theIntercept that the operations run from the site were “JSOC [Joint Special Operations Command] and CIA-led missions for the most part,” explaining that they were likely focused on counterterrorism strikes in Somalia and Yemen, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance activities, as well as support for the Saudi-led air campaign in Yemen.

A Scarier Future

Over many months, AFRICOM repeatedly ignored even basic questions from this reporter about America’s sweeping archipelago of bases. In practical terms, that means there is no way to know with complete certainty how many of the more than 60 bases, bunkers, outposts, and areas of access are currently being used by U.S. forces or how many additional sites may exist. What does seem clear is that the number of bases and other sites, however defined, is increasing, mirroring the rise in the number of U.S. troops, special operations deployments, and missions in Africa.

“There’s going to be a network of small bases with maybe a couple of medium-altitude, long-endurance drones at each one, so that anywhere on the continent is always within range,” says the Oxford Research Group's Richard Reeve when I ask him for a forecast of the future. In many ways, he notes, this has already begun everywhere but in southern Africa, not currently seen by the U.S. military as a high-risk area.

The Obama administration, Reeve explains, has made use of humanitarian rhetoric as a cover for expansion on the continent. He points in particular to the deployment of forces against the Lord’s Resistance Army in Central Africa, the build-up of forces near Lake Chad in the effort against Boko Haram, and the post-Benghazi New Normal concept as examples. “But, in practice, what is all of this going to be used for?” he wonders. After all, the enhanced infrastructure and increased capabilities that today may be viewed by the White House as an insurance policy against another Benghazi can easily be repurposed in the future for different types of military interventions.

“Where does this go post-Obama?” Reeve asks rhetorically, noting that the rise of AFRICOM and the proliferation of small outposts have been “in line with the Obama doctrine.” He draws attention to the president’s embrace of a lighter-footprint brand of warfare, specifically a reliance on Special Operations forces and drones. This may, Reeve adds, just be a prelude to something larger and potentially more dangerous.

“Where would Hillary take this?” he asks, referencing the hawkishDemocratic primary frontrunner, Hillary Clinton. “Or any of the Republican potentials?” He points to the George W. Bush administration as an example and raises the question of what it might have done back in the early 2000s if AFRICOM’s infrastructure had already been in place. Such a thought experiment, he suggests, could offer clues to what the future might hold now that the continent is dotted with American outposts, drone bases, and compounds for elite teams of Special Operations forces. “I think,” Reeve says, “that we could be looking at something a bit scarier in Africa.”
 

The Odum of Ala Igbo

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Mahdist Sudan: Vanquisher of the Egyptians, British and Ethiopians
  • Under the rule of Muhammad Ali, Egypt conquered Sudan in the 1820-30s in order to access slaves (for its military) and gold. The Egyptians taxed the Sudanese and sent their agricultural products north. Sudanese frustrations, combined with the start of an anti-slavery campaign in the 1860s and 1870s threatened local economic interests. Moreover, the Egyptians allowed Europeans (Christians) into their Muslim country.
  • In June 1881, a popular religious leader named Muhammad Ahmad proclaimed himself to be the Mahdi, a saviour chosen by God to restore Islam to its true form. He organized an army for Holy War against the Egyptian occupiers.
  • Egypt was facing political turmoil in the Lower Nile and war against Britain. This helped the Sudanese obtain a major victory in 1882 when they captured a military base at El-Obeid. They tried to storm the base but after being cut down by breech-loading rifles, they successfully besieged it.
  • The Mahdists created a professional infantry corps with modern firearms. This was a lesson learned from their difficulties at El-Obeid.
  • The British were drawn into Sudan because of their new control of Egypt.
  • In 1883, an Egyptian force of 8,500 led by a British colonel - William Hicks - invaded Sudan to suppress the Mahdists. He brought with him artillery and machine guns.
  • The Sudanese used withdrawal tactics to let the British advance until their logistics were stretched and the desert was taking its toll. Then, they surrounded the the Anglo-Egyptians and destroyed them at the Battle of Shaykan.
  • The British defeat caused the Anglos to withdraw from the Sudan and they sent General Charles Gordon to organize the withdrawal in 1884. But Gordon disobeyed orders and stayed in Khartoum long enough to be encircled by the Mahdists.
  • While this was going on, the Beja leader - Osman Digna - led an anti-Egyptian revolt in the eastern region of Suakin.
  • A British column under General Gerald Graham pushed back at the Sudanese at the battles of El Teb and Tamai but were strategically defeated by the Sudanese soldiers. They pulled out too. A British expedition under Garnet Wolseley didn't arrive in time to save Gordon and he was killed when the Mahdist Sudanese stormed Khartoum in January 1885.
  • The Mahdi died in June of 1885 but he has inspired the creation of a mighty and large state.
 

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Mahdist Sudan in 1891
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The Odum of Ala Igbo

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Mahdist Sudan: The Final Wars against Europeans, Egyptians and Ethiopians
  • Abdallahi al-Taaisha, the Mahdi's successor known as the Khalifa imposed strict Islamic law and an aggressive conversion policy. This created conflict with neighbouring states such as Ethiopia.
  • In 1885, Osman Digna moved from Kassala in Sudan into Ethiopia. They were confronted by an Ethiopian army led by Ras (lord) Alula. Although the Ethiopians suffered from heavy casualties, they drove off the Mahdists.
  • After several years of border skirmishes, a Mahdist army under Hamdan Abu Anga raided the Ethiopian highlands in early 1888 and sacked the old capital of Gondar.
  • In 1889, the Mahdists invaded Ethiopia again and Emperor Yohannes IV was killed at Gallabat by a sniper. This had many consequences of Ethiopia's reformation...
  • In 1895, Mahdists invaded Italian ruled Eritrea. The British feared that other European powers, like France, could conquer Sudan if they did not. Ethiopian victory over the Italians in 1896 at Adwa put away Italian expansionist plans but a French-Ethiopian plan to conquer Southern Sudan seemed possible (fascinating!).
  • In 1896, an Anglo-Egyptian army led by Horatio Kitchener invaded Sudan, defeated a Mahdist army and captured Dongola province. Kitchener slowly invaded Sudan, supported by gunboats on the Nile and while simultaneously building a railway to avoid the logistical problems that Hicks' faced.
  • In April 1898, another Mahdist army was defeated at Atbara. The Mahdists were trying to prevent the Anglo-Egyptians from advancing towards Khartoum. However, time was not on their side. Two British brigades were added to the Anglo-Egyptian forces.
  • On September 2, 1898 - 25,000 British, Egyptian and Sudanese faced 50,000 Mahdists led by the Khalifa. The 15,000 riflemen in the Mahdist army were not concentrated and their firepower was less effective than it should've been. Moreover, artillery and machine guns that they had were not used since they were seen as only siege weapons.
  • A Mahdist attempt to draw out the British out of their fortifications failed and a division of Sudanese were killed by the British gunboats.
  • When Kitchener advanced, his Sudanese forced repelled a flanking maneouever and three simultaneous assaults. The Mahdists retreated and Kitchener occupied Omdurman - desecrating the Mahdi's grave.
  • The Mahdists suffered over 30,000 soldiers killed, wounded and captured at the Battle of Omdurman.
  • The Khalifa escaped but was killed the following year. Mahdist Sudan was destroyed. Half of Sudan's population was killed during the Mahdist Wars.
 

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Libya's Khalifa Haftar 'retakes oil ports from Islamist militia' - BBC News
Libya's Khalifa Haftar 'retakes oil ports from Islamist militia'
  • 14 March 2017
  • From the sectionAfrica
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Image copyrightAFP
Image captionGen Haftar's forces drove Islamist militants out of Benghazi in 2016
Forces loyal to Libyan military strongman Khalifa Haftar say they have retaken key oil-rich areas in the country's east.

Ground, sea and air forces were engaged in the fight for sites at Ras Lanuf, Sidra and Ben Jawad from a rival Islamist militia, a spokesman said.

Meanwhile, Russia has denied reports that it has deployed special forces to the region in support of Gen Haftar.

Libya has been in chaos since the overthrow of Colonel Gaddafi in 2011.

The oil terminals had been seized by the Benghazi Defence Brigades (BDB) - a mix of militias that includes Islamists - earlier this month, which then handed them over to the Petroleum Facilities Guard, affiliated to the UN-backed unity government based in Tripoli.

Gen Haftar is allied to an administration based in the eastern city of Tobruk, which is challenging the authority of the UN-backed government.

Analysis - Amira Fathalla, BBC Monitoring
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Image copyrightAFP/GETTY
The clashes in Libya's vital Oil Crescent are likely to continue, locking the rival sides in a tug-of-war over power and resources. Neither side appears willing to give up its claim to the oil sites, Libya's economic lifeline.

Clashes are also likely further east in the country if the BDB militia follows through on its vow to advance on Benghazi. The city falls under the control of Gen Haftar's forces, which have fought to expel Islamist fighters there for over three years.

This would further polarise the rival political camps and could draw in more among the myriad of Libyan militias into a wider, protracted battle around the country's second city.

Russia's defence ministry denied allegations that it had special forces at an Egyptian base, some 60 miles (100 km) from the Libyan border.

"There are no Russian special forces in Sidi-Barrani. It's not the first time such leaks from anonymous sources to certain Western media have got people excited," defence spokesman Igor Konashenkov said.

The report by Reuters news agency, quoting unnamed Egyptian officials, had said that a 22-strong unit of Russian special forces were at the base.

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Image copyrightAFP
Image captionRas Lanuf is one of four key oil terminals in Libya's central 'oil crescent'
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The Egyptian military has also denied the reports.

Gen Haftar has held talks with senior Russian officials in recent months.

In January he was given a tour of a Russian aircraft carrier the Admiral Kusnetsov in the Mediterranean and spoke by video link to Russia's Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

In November last year he met Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in Moscow and asked for Russian assistance in fighting Islamist militias in Libya, Reuters reported.

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Image copyrightREUTERS
Image captionGen Haftar travelled to Moscow in November
Libya remains regionally split with two centres of power that politically oppose each other, and a myriad of rival armed groups that the country's two governments cannot control.

Gen Haftar's forces, known as the Libyan National Army (LNA), have been battling Islamist and other militias in the area since forcing them out of much of the country's second city, Benghazi, in February 2016.

Extremist groups, including so-called Islamic State (IS), gained a foothold in Libya after Nato-backed forces ousted veteran leader Muammar Gaddafi in 2011.
 

The Odum of Ala Igbo

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Africa Live: Pirates 'thought it was fishing boat', Uganda raid deaths disputed - BBC News

Cameroon 'frees 5,000 from Boko Haram'
Posted at12:13

AFP
Cameroon has been raiding Boko Haram bases in the Mandara mountains

More than 5,000 people, including women and children, have been freed from extremist captivity and at least 60 Boko Haram fighters have been killed by Cameroon and Nigerian soldiers in operations since the end of January, a government spokesman says.

They have been transported to a camp for internally displaced people in the Nigerian town of Banki, AP news agency quoted Issa Tchiroma Bakary as saying.

Thousands of Cameroonian soldiers, supported by Nigerian troops, have been launching raids on Boko Haram strongholds in the Mandara mountains that straddle the two countries since 26 January he said:

At least 60 terrorists were killed, 21 suspects were arrested and are helping Cameroon and Nigerian military in their investigations. A refuge center for the insurgents is entirely destroyed on the Mandara highlands, a petroleum depot destroyed and an explosive factory destroyed."

Soldiers have also destroyed the residence of a Boko Haram leader which also served as a hideout for the extremists, along with a huge consignment of weapons, vehicles and motorcycles, he said.

No soldiers had been killed, he said.


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