Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About
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Namibia, Africa’s non-African country
September 29, 2011 — '...power cuts are unknown, the roads are good, the water supply works, traffic jams are almost non-existent...' If any other African country was as orderly and efficient as Namibia, you wouldn't stop hearing about it. Why is so little said about Namibia?
A typical house and street in the picturesque town of Swakopmund, which looks like a Bavarian village lifted up and dropped in Namibia. Swakopmund is a seaside town, and a tourist magnet.
‘Windhoek, the capital of Namibia, is one of the cleanest, best sign-posted and most beautiful cities in the world. It is located in the hilly valley of two mountain ranges. It’s a city of groomed gardens, well-tended trees, four- and six-lane avenues, modern shopping centres and some of the most hospitable people on earth.’
European descent
The weekly magazine New African, from which the quotes above were taken, is an invaluable source of information. Flicking through the June issue we came across the article The Trouble with Namibia, and we thought, oh, we must share this with our readers. So, with great thanks to New African, here are 10 things you might not know about Namibia (we didn’t):
Namibia is still ruled and 'owned' by the descendants of the German and white South African colonisers.
1. Namibia is the 34th largest country in the world, but with 2 million inhabitants it is also one of the least densely populated (2nd only to Mongolia). It’s capital city, Windhoek — and its largest city — is just over half the size of New York, but has a population of only 324,000.
2. Namibia is one of the richest countries in Africa. The country’s GNP per capita was calculated at $2,334 USD (December, 2005), compared with an African average of $681 USD for the same period. But these averages hide something: the wealth is concentrated in the hands of a very small minority, mainly of European descent. The richest 5% of the population controls 71% of the GDP, with an average income of $14,000 USD per year. The poorest 55% account for 3% of GDP, with a per capita income of less than $100 US per year. The unemployment rate is 54% (in a country of 2 million, remember); about the same percentage lives below the international poverty line.
The Nama and Herero Genocide is considered to be the first genocide of the 20th century
Genocide
3. Germany ruled Namibia from 1844 to 1915. It was here that the Germans carried out the first genocide of the 20th century, the Herero and Namaqua Genocide. Half the Nama population and 80% of the Hereros were killed. The survivors, when finally released from detention, were subjected to a policy of dispossession, deportation, forced labour, racial segregation (they were confined to so-called “native territories”) and discrimination. The genocide, plus racist laws and sheer brutality, was used to deprive the black Namibians of their land. This land was “given” to the white settlers.
4. The legacy and influence of German colonialism is still very noticeable, not only in the way the country is run, but also in the street names (Bergerstrasse, Litzstrasse, Uhlandstrasse, etc.) and in the old architecture.
Namibia still carries its painful colonial history in its street names
Apartheid
5. South Africa took control of Namibia in 1920, but South Africa at the time was also ruled by a minority white population, so they continued where the Germans left off, imposing South Africa’s policies of apartheid in Namibia. The “native territories” were turned into “homelands” (Bantustans). Namibia finally got its “independence” in 1990, and has since been run by the South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO), at least in theory.
The wealth gap is so obviously based on race
6. Today’s white Namibians are the descendants of the German and South African colonisers who ruled the country from 1844 to 1990.They make up 6% of the population, but, having held on to the privileges of apartheid, control 90% of the land: 40% of this land is commercial and fenced off, and considered private property. Some of its owners are absentee European landowners who live permanently in Italy, Germany and elsewhere.
7. A large part of Namibia is desert, but desert rich in diamonds, gold, silver, base metals and uranium (it holds the second largest uranium deposits in the world). These are mined and sold by multinationals such as British company Rio Tinto. Some diamond cutting is done in Windhoek, but most is exported raw by the multinationals who mine them. Colonial treaties signed by Western multinationals ensure that the companies and their shareholders in the West enjoy the fruits of Namibia’s resources, with very little of these fruits accruing to the indigenous Namibian population.
Namibia’s mineral wealth rarely returns to the hands of the indigenous population
Shanty town
8. Katutura (which, in the Herero language, means “The place where we do not want to live”) is where a good percentage of Windhoek’s black population lives. It’s a township created in 1961 so black people could be moved away from the Old Location to make way for the creation ofHochland Park, a whites-only affluent suburb. After independence, Hochland Park became a residential area for the upper middle-class, both black (the few who are doing well, and government ministers) and white.
9. Arable land is farmed on an industrial scale in Namibia (the country is a major beef exporter to Europe), but commercial agriculture doesn’t employ much labour: the average commercial farm employed 6 people as of 2005. Thus commercial agriculture as a whole employs about 8% of the labour force.
10. Without land of their own, most of the black population can’t become self-employed farmers, or even sustenance farmers (as happens elsewhere in Africa). There is a scheme in place to redistribute some of the land to black farmers, but this is a slow process (between 1990 and 2002, only 1% of commercial land was redistributed). The government cannot do much about this because during the independence negotiations, something called Chapter 3 was inserted into the Namibian Constitution at the request of the Contact Group (made up of the UK, USA, Canada, Germany and France) to prevent the SWAPO government from doing anything radical with the land.
Commercial farming does very little for the labour force
Redistribution?
Thus, 21 years after independence, Namibia is still ruled and ‘owned’ by the descendants of the German and white South African colonisers. A few thousand white Namibians living large, while the majority black population hews wood, draws water, lives mostly in townships and under the poverty line, and remains mostly unemployed.
White Namibians are Namibians, too, of course, but when the wealth gap is so obviously based on race as a result of the country’s history, isn’t some faster redistribution of the country’s wealth called for? At the current rate it will take a few generations to make much of a difference, let alone equitable. A time-bomb waiting to explode, as it did in Zimbabwe.
September 29, 2011 — '...power cuts are unknown, the roads are good, the water supply works, traffic jams are almost non-existent...' If any other African country was as orderly and efficient as Namibia, you wouldn't stop hearing about it. Why is so little said about Namibia?
A typical house and street in the picturesque town of Swakopmund, which looks like a Bavarian village lifted up and dropped in Namibia. Swakopmund is a seaside town, and a tourist magnet.
‘Windhoek, the capital of Namibia, is one of the cleanest, best sign-posted and most beautiful cities in the world. It is located in the hilly valley of two mountain ranges. It’s a city of groomed gardens, well-tended trees, four- and six-lane avenues, modern shopping centres and some of the most hospitable people on earth.’
European descent
The weekly magazine New African, from which the quotes above were taken, is an invaluable source of information. Flicking through the June issue we came across the article The Trouble with Namibia, and we thought, oh, we must share this with our readers. So, with great thanks to New African, here are 10 things you might not know about Namibia (we didn’t):
Namibia is still ruled and 'owned' by the descendants of the German and white South African colonisers.
1. Namibia is the 34th largest country in the world, but with 2 million inhabitants it is also one of the least densely populated (2nd only to Mongolia). It’s capital city, Windhoek — and its largest city — is just over half the size of New York, but has a population of only 324,000.
2. Namibia is one of the richest countries in Africa. The country’s GNP per capita was calculated at $2,334 USD (December, 2005), compared with an African average of $681 USD for the same period. But these averages hide something: the wealth is concentrated in the hands of a very small minority, mainly of European descent. The richest 5% of the population controls 71% of the GDP, with an average income of $14,000 USD per year. The poorest 55% account for 3% of GDP, with a per capita income of less than $100 US per year. The unemployment rate is 54% (in a country of 2 million, remember); about the same percentage lives below the international poverty line.
The Nama and Herero Genocide is considered to be the first genocide of the 20th century
Genocide
3. Germany ruled Namibia from 1844 to 1915. It was here that the Germans carried out the first genocide of the 20th century, the Herero and Namaqua Genocide. Half the Nama population and 80% of the Hereros were killed. The survivors, when finally released from detention, were subjected to a policy of dispossession, deportation, forced labour, racial segregation (they were confined to so-called “native territories”) and discrimination. The genocide, plus racist laws and sheer brutality, was used to deprive the black Namibians of their land. This land was “given” to the white settlers.
4. The legacy and influence of German colonialism is still very noticeable, not only in the way the country is run, but also in the street names (Bergerstrasse, Litzstrasse, Uhlandstrasse, etc.) and in the old architecture.
Namibia still carries its painful colonial history in its street names
Apartheid
5. South Africa took control of Namibia in 1920, but South Africa at the time was also ruled by a minority white population, so they continued where the Germans left off, imposing South Africa’s policies of apartheid in Namibia. The “native territories” were turned into “homelands” (Bantustans). Namibia finally got its “independence” in 1990, and has since been run by the South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO), at least in theory.
The wealth gap is so obviously based on race
6. Today’s white Namibians are the descendants of the German and South African colonisers who ruled the country from 1844 to 1990.They make up 6% of the population, but, having held on to the privileges of apartheid, control 90% of the land: 40% of this land is commercial and fenced off, and considered private property. Some of its owners are absentee European landowners who live permanently in Italy, Germany and elsewhere.
7. A large part of Namibia is desert, but desert rich in diamonds, gold, silver, base metals and uranium (it holds the second largest uranium deposits in the world). These are mined and sold by multinationals such as British company Rio Tinto. Some diamond cutting is done in Windhoek, but most is exported raw by the multinationals who mine them. Colonial treaties signed by Western multinationals ensure that the companies and their shareholders in the West enjoy the fruits of Namibia’s resources, with very little of these fruits accruing to the indigenous Namibian population.
Namibia’s mineral wealth rarely returns to the hands of the indigenous population
Shanty town
8. Katutura (which, in the Herero language, means “The place where we do not want to live”) is where a good percentage of Windhoek’s black population lives. It’s a township created in 1961 so black people could be moved away from the Old Location to make way for the creation ofHochland Park, a whites-only affluent suburb. After independence, Hochland Park became a residential area for the upper middle-class, both black (the few who are doing well, and government ministers) and white.
9. Arable land is farmed on an industrial scale in Namibia (the country is a major beef exporter to Europe), but commercial agriculture doesn’t employ much labour: the average commercial farm employed 6 people as of 2005. Thus commercial agriculture as a whole employs about 8% of the labour force.
10. Without land of their own, most of the black population can’t become self-employed farmers, or even sustenance farmers (as happens elsewhere in Africa). There is a scheme in place to redistribute some of the land to black farmers, but this is a slow process (between 1990 and 2002, only 1% of commercial land was redistributed). The government cannot do much about this because during the independence negotiations, something called Chapter 3 was inserted into the Namibian Constitution at the request of the Contact Group (made up of the UK, USA, Canada, Germany and France) to prevent the SWAPO government from doing anything radical with the land.
Commercial farming does very little for the labour force
Redistribution?
Thus, 21 years after independence, Namibia is still ruled and ‘owned’ by the descendants of the German and white South African colonisers. A few thousand white Namibians living large, while the majority black population hews wood, draws water, lives mostly in townships and under the poverty line, and remains mostly unemployed.
White Namibians are Namibians, too, of course, but when the wealth gap is so obviously based on race as a result of the country’s history, isn’t some faster redistribution of the country’s wealth called for? At the current rate it will take a few generations to make much of a difference, let alone equitable. A time-bomb waiting to explode, as it did in Zimbabwe.
Mental freedom and the omission of African achievement from history
April 26, 2013 — We hang our hopes on economic development playing a large role in allowing us to reclaim our history from the West, but which comes first, understanding of our own history or economic development? Is real economic development even feasible without a grasp of history?
Abdel Kader Haidara, custodian of Mamma Haidara Library, Timbuktu, Mali. Photo: Brent Stirton/Getty
Columnist and author Dr. Chika Ezeanya’s excellent piece on reclaiming Africa’s history from the West explores the power of history in building a sense of national identity and pride, as well as the effects of colonialism and its racist ideology on the way African history is taught today.
As she states, “Much of what today is studied as African history is the protégé of the racist ideology that viewed the black man as a little above an ape in terms of human intelligence.”
Ezeanya writes about how positive achievements from Africans in fields such as medicine were regarded by Europeans as not worth attention – they did not conform with the stereotypical views held by the Europeans about Africans; one medical missionary, delivering a paper on “Primitive Surgery”, noted:”Unfortunately, I feel unable to explain why in 1879 there existed in Kahura in Uganda, a black surgeon performing the Caesarean section safely and, in some respects, better than many of his contemporary white colleagues” – and argues that this omission of African achievement from the history books is on of the reasons why many African graduates today suffer from an inferiority complex and hold in awe the White man who, after all, invented everything he had learned in school. Education in a system that was cultivated by racist ideas means that Africans are regularly taught to despise their roots and do not make any effort to learn from indigenous paths.
However, Ezeanya’s essay does not fully give reasons why African history is in its current deplorable state. She rightly lays the blame on all Africans, but fails to recognise African efforts to move away from colonial history curriculums, not to mention the strides African tertiary institutions have made using traditional African forms of medicine.
Ancient Wisdom Meets New Knowledge for Health in Africa
Tanzania: Young Chemist Seeks Answers in Traditional Medicine
Zuma calls for faster traditional medicine
Miracle Tree is a Supermarket
Kenya medical research institute in final stages of developing herpes drug
Africa: Traditional Medicine Gains Ground in Universities
The essay also makes no mention of the works, progress made and challenges faced by African intellectuals in using history to encourage self worth and self knowledge from an African perceptive. And it doesn’t recall that African scholars were once able to move away from the colonial Europeans instructions and set up modes of learning that were beneficial to Africans themselves.
I have always been curious about why history has not been taught in Nigerian schools as much as I felt it ought to be. I’ve had an interest in history for as long as I can remember, regardless of the fact I was not taught history through primary school and junior secondary school. I spent two years studying history as an elective in senior secondary school – which, as anyone can attest, is not enough to learn African history – and there were, at most, ten other students in that class. When I went to the library to read about African history, all I could find were books about Roman and Greek historical achievements, and sometimes one or two on ancient Egypt. The history of other parts of Africa only merited scant paragraphs that were centred on the period immediately before and during colonialism. When I meet Africans who claim to adore history yet can only talk about colonial history, a part of me dies.
The Pyramids of Egypt at Giza is one of the seven wonders of ancient civilisation Photo: atravelbook.com
It wasn’t always like this. African history once attracted a lot of interest from African students and academics. And African intellectuals once made efforts to use African history to further the process of mental decolonisation, and political and social development, for instance, by using evidence of the presence, culture and rituals of Africans throughout history right up to colonialism to explore the idea of African authenticity, and to help Africans rediscover/reclaim their pride in being African. (Side issue: in the early days of European colonialism, there was an increase in the number of people who were branded and killed as witches across Africa. People simply couldn’t understand why they were being colonised by foreign powers and thought it had to be because of evil forces within the community.)
People couldn't understand why they were being colonised and thought it had to be because of evil forces within the community
In the early years of university education in Nigeria, for example, when Nigerian universities were still in alliance with English universities, history curriculums focused on European history and the history of Europeans in Africa. Nonetheless, by the late 1950s and early 1960s, African intellectuals were able to effectively overturn this and give African history a place in the African academic experience. History scholars such as Kenneth Onwuka Dike revolutionised the field in 1956 with the publication of his book Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1835. These academics successfully put Africans at the centre of their own history and paid heed to African history before European contact.
Unfortunately, due to changes in Nigeria’s political climate and economic circumstances, this intellectual utopia was not to last long. In 1986, the Nigerian government agreed to and adopted an IMF/World Bank programme of economic “reform” known as the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP). Now widely acknowledged as a major cause of severe economical decline across the sub-Saharan countries that implemented the reforms (see also Food Emergency: How the World Bank and IMF Have Made African Famine Inevitable), SAP led to a rise in unemployment and poverty levels, and a drop in living standards. Trying to survive amid this economic disaster, people began to question the relevance of history. Disciplines that were considered more lucrative such as Accounting, Business Administration and Law became du jour. As poverty levels continued to rise, Nigerian youths only became more interested in money-making possibilities.
At the same time, history scholars, similarly feeling the effects of economic decline with bad pay and a cutback in research and publishing, began to neglect academia for better paid jobs. With the introduction of American soft power via the Visa Lottery program, more Nigerians sought to claim American values at the expense of African philosophies. At the university level, history was no longer regarded as lucrative, and in secondary schools most students dropped history as soon as they could.
Where is the wisdom of our fathers now? Kwame Nkrumah (21 September 1909 – 27 April 1972) was the first President of Ghana, the first Prime Minister of Ghana, and an influential 20th-century advocate of Pan-Africanism
Kwame Nkrumah once called on Africans to free our minds from all forms of Western domination, control and enslavement in order to achieve social and economic development. Be that as it may, it would appear that economic decline can get in the way of mental freedom. This presents a quandary as a knowledge of history is necessary for real economic development, so while we’re busy trying to make money to survive we’re hindering our own economic development, and at the same time confusing making money and a growing GDP that benefits a minority with economic development.
The teachings of African leaders and visionaries have become largely ignored as instruments through which we can understand the means to African development. Similarly, achievement made by African visionaries in modern history seem to have been forgotten. It is now common to read modern critiques of African society that hardly ever mention the teachings of African visionaries. The chain of continuity seems to have been broken, for if contemporary African intellectuals cannot cite the works of visionaries from the 1950s and 1960s, how are they to go about reclaiming African history from the West?
The lack of development and continuity in history as a field has led to an incomplete process of de-colonisation and political and psychological independence on the African continent. Foremost African scholars were not able to complete these processes due to unforeseeable changes. Now thanks to the current poor states of most African higher institutions, the main centres for the development of African history still remain primarily the domain of Europe and the United States. While colonial institutions have for the most part destroyed traditional modes through which history was transmitted. African children who go through the Western education systems are not taught the oral traditions of their people.
We hang our hopes on economic development playing a large role in allowing us to reclaim our history from the West, but which comes first, understanding of our own history or economic development. Is real economic development even feasible without a grasp of history? This shows that the situation is more complex than Ezeanya argues in Reclaiming Africa’s History from the West and that assigning blame is not such a clearcut case.
April 26, 2013 — We hang our hopes on economic development playing a large role in allowing us to reclaim our history from the West, but which comes first, understanding of our own history or economic development? Is real economic development even feasible without a grasp of history?
Abdel Kader Haidara, custodian of Mamma Haidara Library, Timbuktu, Mali. Photo: Brent Stirton/Getty
Columnist and author Dr. Chika Ezeanya’s excellent piece on reclaiming Africa’s history from the West explores the power of history in building a sense of national identity and pride, as well as the effects of colonialism and its racist ideology on the way African history is taught today.
As she states, “Much of what today is studied as African history is the protégé of the racist ideology that viewed the black man as a little above an ape in terms of human intelligence.”
Ezeanya writes about how positive achievements from Africans in fields such as medicine were regarded by Europeans as not worth attention – they did not conform with the stereotypical views held by the Europeans about Africans; one medical missionary, delivering a paper on “Primitive Surgery”, noted:”Unfortunately, I feel unable to explain why in 1879 there existed in Kahura in Uganda, a black surgeon performing the Caesarean section safely and, in some respects, better than many of his contemporary white colleagues” – and argues that this omission of African achievement from the history books is on of the reasons why many African graduates today suffer from an inferiority complex and hold in awe the White man who, after all, invented everything he had learned in school. Education in a system that was cultivated by racist ideas means that Africans are regularly taught to despise their roots and do not make any effort to learn from indigenous paths.
However, Ezeanya’s essay does not fully give reasons why African history is in its current deplorable state. She rightly lays the blame on all Africans, but fails to recognise African efforts to move away from colonial history curriculums, not to mention the strides African tertiary institutions have made using traditional African forms of medicine.
Ancient Wisdom Meets New Knowledge for Health in Africa
Tanzania: Young Chemist Seeks Answers in Traditional Medicine
Zuma calls for faster traditional medicine
Miracle Tree is a Supermarket
Kenya medical research institute in final stages of developing herpes drug
Africa: Traditional Medicine Gains Ground in Universities
The essay also makes no mention of the works, progress made and challenges faced by African intellectuals in using history to encourage self worth and self knowledge from an African perceptive. And it doesn’t recall that African scholars were once able to move away from the colonial Europeans instructions and set up modes of learning that were beneficial to Africans themselves.
I have always been curious about why history has not been taught in Nigerian schools as much as I felt it ought to be. I’ve had an interest in history for as long as I can remember, regardless of the fact I was not taught history through primary school and junior secondary school. I spent two years studying history as an elective in senior secondary school – which, as anyone can attest, is not enough to learn African history – and there were, at most, ten other students in that class. When I went to the library to read about African history, all I could find were books about Roman and Greek historical achievements, and sometimes one or two on ancient Egypt. The history of other parts of Africa only merited scant paragraphs that were centred on the period immediately before and during colonialism. When I meet Africans who claim to adore history yet can only talk about colonial history, a part of me dies.
The Pyramids of Egypt at Giza is one of the seven wonders of ancient civilisation Photo: atravelbook.com
It wasn’t always like this. African history once attracted a lot of interest from African students and academics. And African intellectuals once made efforts to use African history to further the process of mental decolonisation, and political and social development, for instance, by using evidence of the presence, culture and rituals of Africans throughout history right up to colonialism to explore the idea of African authenticity, and to help Africans rediscover/reclaim their pride in being African. (Side issue: in the early days of European colonialism, there was an increase in the number of people who were branded and killed as witches across Africa. People simply couldn’t understand why they were being colonised by foreign powers and thought it had to be because of evil forces within the community.)
People couldn't understand why they were being colonised and thought it had to be because of evil forces within the community
In the early years of university education in Nigeria, for example, when Nigerian universities were still in alliance with English universities, history curriculums focused on European history and the history of Europeans in Africa. Nonetheless, by the late 1950s and early 1960s, African intellectuals were able to effectively overturn this and give African history a place in the African academic experience. History scholars such as Kenneth Onwuka Dike revolutionised the field in 1956 with the publication of his book Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1835. These academics successfully put Africans at the centre of their own history and paid heed to African history before European contact.
Unfortunately, due to changes in Nigeria’s political climate and economic circumstances, this intellectual utopia was not to last long. In 1986, the Nigerian government agreed to and adopted an IMF/World Bank programme of economic “reform” known as the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP). Now widely acknowledged as a major cause of severe economical decline across the sub-Saharan countries that implemented the reforms (see also Food Emergency: How the World Bank and IMF Have Made African Famine Inevitable), SAP led to a rise in unemployment and poverty levels, and a drop in living standards. Trying to survive amid this economic disaster, people began to question the relevance of history. Disciplines that were considered more lucrative such as Accounting, Business Administration and Law became du jour. As poverty levels continued to rise, Nigerian youths only became more interested in money-making possibilities.
At the same time, history scholars, similarly feeling the effects of economic decline with bad pay and a cutback in research and publishing, began to neglect academia for better paid jobs. With the introduction of American soft power via the Visa Lottery program, more Nigerians sought to claim American values at the expense of African philosophies. At the university level, history was no longer regarded as lucrative, and in secondary schools most students dropped history as soon as they could.
Where is the wisdom of our fathers now? Kwame Nkrumah (21 September 1909 – 27 April 1972) was the first President of Ghana, the first Prime Minister of Ghana, and an influential 20th-century advocate of Pan-Africanism
Kwame Nkrumah once called on Africans to free our minds from all forms of Western domination, control and enslavement in order to achieve social and economic development. Be that as it may, it would appear that economic decline can get in the way of mental freedom. This presents a quandary as a knowledge of history is necessary for real economic development, so while we’re busy trying to make money to survive we’re hindering our own economic development, and at the same time confusing making money and a growing GDP that benefits a minority with economic development.
The teachings of African leaders and visionaries have become largely ignored as instruments through which we can understand the means to African development. Similarly, achievement made by African visionaries in modern history seem to have been forgotten. It is now common to read modern critiques of African society that hardly ever mention the teachings of African visionaries. The chain of continuity seems to have been broken, for if contemporary African intellectuals cannot cite the works of visionaries from the 1950s and 1960s, how are they to go about reclaiming African history from the West?
The lack of development and continuity in history as a field has led to an incomplete process of de-colonisation and political and psychological independence on the African continent. Foremost African scholars were not able to complete these processes due to unforeseeable changes. Now thanks to the current poor states of most African higher institutions, the main centres for the development of African history still remain primarily the domain of Europe and the United States. While colonial institutions have for the most part destroyed traditional modes through which history was transmitted. African children who go through the Western education systems are not taught the oral traditions of their people.
We hang our hopes on economic development playing a large role in allowing us to reclaim our history from the West, but which comes first, understanding of our own history or economic development. Is real economic development even feasible without a grasp of history? This shows that the situation is more complex than Ezeanya argues in Reclaiming Africa’s History from the West and that assigning blame is not such a clearcut case.
Museveni to move motion for Africa to withdraw from the ICC
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. FILE PHOTO | NATION MEDIA GROUP
By A JOINT REPORT, The EastAfrican
Posted Saturday, December 13 2014 at 14:50
IN SUMMARY
"Let me tell those [ICC] people abroad that they should stop their foolishness." Uganda President Yoweri Museveni
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has renewed his political onslaught on the International Criminal Court, with a pledge to file a motion at the next African Union Heads of State Summit seeking withdrawal of all African member states from the Rome Statute.
President Museveni said he was happy with the Prosecutor’s decision to withdraw charges against Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta, but was disappointed by the refusal to allow the AU’s recommendation that no head of state should be tried by the court while in office.
“Let me tell those [ICC] people abroad that they should stop their foolishness. I am happy because President Uhuru Kenyatta’s case has collapsed. However, because of their arrogance they are still continuing with Deputy President William Ruto’s case, yet he was also elected by the Kenyan people,” he said, to applause by Kenyans attending Jamhuri Day celebrations in Nairobi.
The next AU Summit is set to be held next year in Ethiopia. Last year, in October, the Summit unsuccessfully tried to have President Kenyatta’s case deferred.
The crimes against humanity charges against President Kenyatta were withdrawn on December 5, after the Court declined the Prosecutor’s application for an adjournment pending the government of Kenya’s co-operation, and asked her to either drop the charges or proceed to trial.
The Kenyatta case has been a headache for the AU, which has been pushing for immunity from prosecution for any sitting president. Another African head of state being sought by the Court is Omar al-Bashir of Sudan.
Africa has the highest membership at the ICC. Of the 122 countries that are State Parties to the Rome Statute, 34 are from Africa, 18 from Asia-Pacific states, 27 from Latin American and Caribbean states, 18 from Eastern Europe and 25 from Western European and other states.
Mr Ruto, whose trial in the Hague Court is ongoing, said he was confident “with your prayers, my case and that of (journalist Joshua) Sang will also head the same way.”
Taking a cue from President Museveni, President Kenyatta termed ICC as a real threat to Kenya’s reconciliation efforts. “It also offers no hope for those affected and is driven by external agendas,” he said. The president thanked the African leaders for standing by Kenya in fighting the ICC cases.
“The AU and African leaders reached out to us and offered us help. Africa has been true to us and we will keep the faith in Africa,” he said.
Meanwhile, in New York where the Assembly of State Parties is underway, Kenya’s proposed amendments to the Rome Statute did not make it to the agenda. This was despite a spirited diplomatic push by Nairobi and Kenya’s permanent representative to the UN Macharia Kamau that the county’s concerns over the ICC be part of the agenda.
Sources in New York told The EastAfrican that most diplomats from other countries were not keen on the Kenyan situation, but were more interested in emphasising the need for partner states to co-operate with the ICC, with most of them noting that non-co-operation was the single most important obstacle before court.
Diplomats from Ghana, Ivory Coast, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Senegal and South Africa endorsed the ICC, its mandates, and its fight against impunity, and called for increased dialogue with the ICC. Those who attended the meeting said this stance was counter to Kenya’s attempt to question the credibility of the court. The meeting, which started on December 8, will end on December 17.
In his address to the assembly, Mr Kamau said Kenya had put forward a set of amendments for improving the operations of the ICC and its co-operation with partner states.
“Kenya has strong views on the manner in which the Rome Statute is being interpreted and implemented. Kenya also has strong views on the way in which the ICC has gone about is business, particularly in relation to our country,” said Mr Kamau.
Among the key amendments Kenya had proposed were changes to Article 27 to read that “Serving Heads of State, their deputies and anybody acting or is entitled to act as such may be exempt from prosecution during their current term of office.” On Article 70, which presumes that offences against the ICC can only be committed by the accused, Kenya wants possible offenders to include court officials and the Office of the Prosecutor.
The country also wants amendments to Article 112 for the Independent Oversight Mechanism — that operates independently from the Office of the Prosecutor — to be empowered to carry out inspection, evaluation and investigations of all the organs of the Court.
Finally, Kenya wants the Rome Statute to recognise regional judicial mechanisms — such as the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights — as complementary to national criminal jurisdictions in matters of international crimes.
In elections of judges, Africa did not get any of the four slots after Tunisia and Madagascar withdrew their candidacy. Consequently, three Europeans and one Asian — Chang-ho Chung of South Korea, Piotr Hofma ski of Poland, Marc Perrin de Brichambaut of France and Bertram Schmitt of Germany — were elected.
On the sidelines of the assembly, representatives of the victims of the withdrawn case against President Kenyatta were putting pressure on ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda to find ways for the victims to get justice.
The group, which included the victims’ lawyer Fergal Gaynor, Kenyan civil society activist Harun Ndubi, Stella Ndirangu and Esther Waweru, argued that the Office of the Prosecutor had not been brave enough to confront Kenya’s hostile political environment.
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. FILE PHOTO | NATION MEDIA GROUP
By A JOINT REPORT, The EastAfrican
Posted Saturday, December 13 2014 at 14:50
IN SUMMARY
"Let me tell those [ICC] people abroad that they should stop their foolishness." Uganda President Yoweri Museveni
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has renewed his political onslaught on the International Criminal Court, with a pledge to file a motion at the next African Union Heads of State Summit seeking withdrawal of all African member states from the Rome Statute.
President Museveni said he was happy with the Prosecutor’s decision to withdraw charges against Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta, but was disappointed by the refusal to allow the AU’s recommendation that no head of state should be tried by the court while in office.
“Let me tell those [ICC] people abroad that they should stop their foolishness. I am happy because President Uhuru Kenyatta’s case has collapsed. However, because of their arrogance they are still continuing with Deputy President William Ruto’s case, yet he was also elected by the Kenyan people,” he said, to applause by Kenyans attending Jamhuri Day celebrations in Nairobi.
The next AU Summit is set to be held next year in Ethiopia. Last year, in October, the Summit unsuccessfully tried to have President Kenyatta’s case deferred.
The crimes against humanity charges against President Kenyatta were withdrawn on December 5, after the Court declined the Prosecutor’s application for an adjournment pending the government of Kenya’s co-operation, and asked her to either drop the charges or proceed to trial.
The Kenyatta case has been a headache for the AU, which has been pushing for immunity from prosecution for any sitting president. Another African head of state being sought by the Court is Omar al-Bashir of Sudan.
Africa has the highest membership at the ICC. Of the 122 countries that are State Parties to the Rome Statute, 34 are from Africa, 18 from Asia-Pacific states, 27 from Latin American and Caribbean states, 18 from Eastern Europe and 25 from Western European and other states.
Mr Ruto, whose trial in the Hague Court is ongoing, said he was confident “with your prayers, my case and that of (journalist Joshua) Sang will also head the same way.”
Taking a cue from President Museveni, President Kenyatta termed ICC as a real threat to Kenya’s reconciliation efforts. “It also offers no hope for those affected and is driven by external agendas,” he said. The president thanked the African leaders for standing by Kenya in fighting the ICC cases.
“The AU and African leaders reached out to us and offered us help. Africa has been true to us and we will keep the faith in Africa,” he said.
Meanwhile, in New York where the Assembly of State Parties is underway, Kenya’s proposed amendments to the Rome Statute did not make it to the agenda. This was despite a spirited diplomatic push by Nairobi and Kenya’s permanent representative to the UN Macharia Kamau that the county’s concerns over the ICC be part of the agenda.
Sources in New York told The EastAfrican that most diplomats from other countries were not keen on the Kenyan situation, but were more interested in emphasising the need for partner states to co-operate with the ICC, with most of them noting that non-co-operation was the single most important obstacle before court.
Diplomats from Ghana, Ivory Coast, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Senegal and South Africa endorsed the ICC, its mandates, and its fight against impunity, and called for increased dialogue with the ICC. Those who attended the meeting said this stance was counter to Kenya’s attempt to question the credibility of the court. The meeting, which started on December 8, will end on December 17.
In his address to the assembly, Mr Kamau said Kenya had put forward a set of amendments for improving the operations of the ICC and its co-operation with partner states.
“Kenya has strong views on the manner in which the Rome Statute is being interpreted and implemented. Kenya also has strong views on the way in which the ICC has gone about is business, particularly in relation to our country,” said Mr Kamau.
Among the key amendments Kenya had proposed were changes to Article 27 to read that “Serving Heads of State, their deputies and anybody acting or is entitled to act as such may be exempt from prosecution during their current term of office.” On Article 70, which presumes that offences against the ICC can only be committed by the accused, Kenya wants possible offenders to include court officials and the Office of the Prosecutor.
The country also wants amendments to Article 112 for the Independent Oversight Mechanism — that operates independently from the Office of the Prosecutor — to be empowered to carry out inspection, evaluation and investigations of all the organs of the Court.
Finally, Kenya wants the Rome Statute to recognise regional judicial mechanisms — such as the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights — as complementary to national criminal jurisdictions in matters of international crimes.
In elections of judges, Africa did not get any of the four slots after Tunisia and Madagascar withdrew their candidacy. Consequently, three Europeans and one Asian — Chang-ho Chung of South Korea, Piotr Hofma ski of Poland, Marc Perrin de Brichambaut of France and Bertram Schmitt of Germany — were elected.
On the sidelines of the assembly, representatives of the victims of the withdrawn case against President Kenyatta were putting pressure on ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda to find ways for the victims to get justice.
The group, which included the victims’ lawyer Fergal Gaynor, Kenyan civil society activist Harun Ndubi, Stella Ndirangu and Esther Waweru, argued that the Office of the Prosecutor had not been brave enough to confront Kenya’s hostile political environment.
ECG to be privatised by next July
News Date: 21st December 2014
The Government is considering its options towards the privatisation of the Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) by the middle of next year.
Mr Frank Ocran, Chairman of the Stakeholders Consultation Committee on Energy, who announced this in Accra, on Wednesday, said .the move this follows Ghana's qualification to receive $500 million under the Compact 2 of the Millennium Development Account to help turn the energy sector around.
Mr Ocran was addressing a meeting the stakeholders held for the media to solicit views on the two options the government intended to choose from: concession and partial privatisation.
Under the Concession, the state would enter into a long-term contract: 20 - 30 years with the private partner, where the private partner would have the exclusive right to operate, maintain and carry out investments in ECG for a defined number of years.
The private partner would have the responsibility for the operation and maintenance of all assets and investment during the period.
The state would retain full ownership of ECG as the asset holding company; at the end of the concession period, control of ECG reverts to the state unless GoG decides to extend or re-tender the concession.
Partial privatization would involve the sale of ECG's shares to a strategic investor with the proven technical, financial capacity and track record in utilities similar in size to ECG to carry out electricity distribution and supply activities.
The sale of shares would either be by; the government selling some of the existing shares in the company that is being partially privatised; or the company itself issuing new shares to the investors, thereby diluting the government's shareholding in the company or a combination of both these options.
Mr Ocran said the challenges facing the energy sector were enormous and the government could no longer inject capital into ECG.
Therefore, he said, private sector participation was requisite in the running of ECG.
Mr Ocran said the ECG had not been sold to any private entity.
The compact two has six key areas; ECG financial and operational turn-around project, NEDCo financial and operational turn-around project, regulatory strengthening and capacity building project, access project, power generation sector improvement project, energy efficiency and demand side management project.
He explained that the company's assets would still be owned by the government under the arrangement.
Mr Ocran explained that Ghana loses about two percent to five of GDP annually as a result of lost economic output due to the insufficient and unreliable power supply.
ECG had also recently been suffering from both operational and net income losses, he said.
This means it is not in a position to fund its much-needed capital investment program of 10.8 billion Ghana cedis over 25 years. This represents an annual average of over 400 million Ghana cedis in real terms, he added.
Mr Mawunyo Rubson, Power Expert, Millennium Development Authority, said the signing of the compact was not forced on the government.
Mr Sulemana Abubakari, Deputy Director, Power Distribution said: "We have not signed a contract yet, we are soliciting views to take a decision and there will be international competitive bidding.
Source: GNA
http://www.businessghana.com/portal/news/index.php?op=getNews&id=202209
News Date: 21st December 2014
The Government is considering its options towards the privatisation of the Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) by the middle of next year.
Mr Frank Ocran, Chairman of the Stakeholders Consultation Committee on Energy, who announced this in Accra, on Wednesday, said .the move this follows Ghana's qualification to receive $500 million under the Compact 2 of the Millennium Development Account to help turn the energy sector around.
Mr Ocran was addressing a meeting the stakeholders held for the media to solicit views on the two options the government intended to choose from: concession and partial privatisation.
Under the Concession, the state would enter into a long-term contract: 20 - 30 years with the private partner, where the private partner would have the exclusive right to operate, maintain and carry out investments in ECG for a defined number of years.
The private partner would have the responsibility for the operation and maintenance of all assets and investment during the period.
The state would retain full ownership of ECG as the asset holding company; at the end of the concession period, control of ECG reverts to the state unless GoG decides to extend or re-tender the concession.
Partial privatization would involve the sale of ECG's shares to a strategic investor with the proven technical, financial capacity and track record in utilities similar in size to ECG to carry out electricity distribution and supply activities.
The sale of shares would either be by; the government selling some of the existing shares in the company that is being partially privatised; or the company itself issuing new shares to the investors, thereby diluting the government's shareholding in the company or a combination of both these options.
Mr Ocran said the challenges facing the energy sector were enormous and the government could no longer inject capital into ECG.
Therefore, he said, private sector participation was requisite in the running of ECG.
Mr Ocran said the ECG had not been sold to any private entity.
The compact two has six key areas; ECG financial and operational turn-around project, NEDCo financial and operational turn-around project, regulatory strengthening and capacity building project, access project, power generation sector improvement project, energy efficiency and demand side management project.
He explained that the company's assets would still be owned by the government under the arrangement.
Mr Ocran explained that Ghana loses about two percent to five of GDP annually as a result of lost economic output due to the insufficient and unreliable power supply.
ECG had also recently been suffering from both operational and net income losses, he said.
This means it is not in a position to fund its much-needed capital investment program of 10.8 billion Ghana cedis over 25 years. This represents an annual average of over 400 million Ghana cedis in real terms, he added.
Mr Mawunyo Rubson, Power Expert, Millennium Development Authority, said the signing of the compact was not forced on the government.
Mr Sulemana Abubakari, Deputy Director, Power Distribution said: "We have not signed a contract yet, we are soliciting views to take a decision and there will be international competitive bidding.
Source: GNA
http://www.businessghana.com/portal/news/index.php?op=getNews&id=202209
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 23, 2014
Kenya mulls leasing land to boost production of coffee
A farmer tends to her coffee plants at Kangocho farm in Mathira. Kenya could lease land to foreign investors in a bid to increase coffee production that has been on the decline over the years. FILE PHOTO | NATION MEDIA GROUP
In Summary
By
More by this Author
Kenya could lease land to foreign investors in a bid to increase coffee production that has been on the decline over the years.
This option will be among topics set for discussion during the 12th African fine coffees conference scheduled for February in Nairobi.
“During the conference, Kenya will put its case on coffee production and options will be explored on how this can be improved. Kenya is the only country in the region where coffee production has been decreasing. The possibility of international producers leasing land for coffee production is among those to be discussed,” African Fine Coffees Association executive director Samuel Kamau said.
The event will be attended by global players who include farmers, dealers, roasters, marketers and logistics companies.
While coffee production has increased in Ethiopia, Uganda and Tanzania, the opposite has been the case in Kenya.
In 2013, Ethiopia produced six million bags, Uganda 3.5 million bags and Tanzania slightly more than Kenya with 850,000 bags.
Mr Kamau said AFCA has a strategic plan to increase output in Africa from 12.5 million bags to 25 million bags in three years, and Kenya being among the top four growers is expected to play a key role in achieving this goal.
He said the country should borrow from Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi that have boosted production through leasing of land that is put under irrigation, adding that this can apply well in Rift Valley.
SOUGHT AFTER
“Kenya’s coffee is worldly known and highly sought after as a specialty brand but production has been on the decline, putting the future of the sector in limbo as potential buyers seek alternative sources,” Mr Kamau said.
Coffee production has declined from a peak of 130,000 metric tonnes in 1988 to an average of 50,000 tonnes in recent years despite several government interventions that included debt waiver, cheaper credit to farmers and liberalisation of the market.
Some of the reasons blamed for this are reduction of acreage in traditional coffee growing regions due to competition from more rewarding ventures like real estate mostly in Central Kenya, and low income for small scale farmers, which has discouraged many.
“Productivity per coffee tree should be part of the strategy to improve production. This has remained very low at an average of two kilogrammes per year yet there is potential for average of over 30 kilogrammes. We can raise output by improving production from the trees we already have,” Mr Joseph Kimemia, a former director of research at Coffee Research Foundation said.
According to 2014 Economic Survey, coffee production declined by 18.8 per cent from 49,000 metric tonnes in 2012 to 39,800 tonnes in 2013, which was attributed to rising costs of farm and processing inputs. The average yield also decreased in both estates and co-operatives sub-sectors.
According to Vision 2030, the target is to attain 100,000 metric tonnes a year in 15 years.
Agriculture Principal Secretary Sicily Kariuki said the government would work with the counties in coffee-growing zones to assist in raising production.
Kenya mulls leasing land to boost production of coffee
A farmer tends to her coffee plants at Kangocho farm in Mathira. Kenya could lease land to foreign investors in a bid to increase coffee production that has been on the decline over the years. FILE PHOTO | NATION MEDIA GROUP
In Summary
- “Kenya’s coffee is worldly known and highly sought after as a specialty brand but production has been on the decline, putting the future of the sector in limbo as potential buyers seek alternative sources,” Mr Kamau said.
- Some of the reasons blamed for this are reduction of acreage in traditional coffee growing regions due to competition from more rewarding ventures like real estate mostly in Central Kenya, and low income for small scale farmers, which has discouraged many.
- According to 2014 Economic Survey, coffee production declined by 18.8 per cent from 49,000 metric tonnes in 2012 to 39,800 tonnes in 2013, which was attributed to rising costs of farm and processing inputs.
By
More by this Author
Kenya could lease land to foreign investors in a bid to increase coffee production that has been on the decline over the years.
This option will be among topics set for discussion during the 12th African fine coffees conference scheduled for February in Nairobi.
“During the conference, Kenya will put its case on coffee production and options will be explored on how this can be improved. Kenya is the only country in the region where coffee production has been decreasing. The possibility of international producers leasing land for coffee production is among those to be discussed,” African Fine Coffees Association executive director Samuel Kamau said.
The event will be attended by global players who include farmers, dealers, roasters, marketers and logistics companies.
While coffee production has increased in Ethiopia, Uganda and Tanzania, the opposite has been the case in Kenya.
In 2013, Ethiopia produced six million bags, Uganda 3.5 million bags and Tanzania slightly more than Kenya with 850,000 bags.
Mr Kamau said AFCA has a strategic plan to increase output in Africa from 12.5 million bags to 25 million bags in three years, and Kenya being among the top four growers is expected to play a key role in achieving this goal.
He said the country should borrow from Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi that have boosted production through leasing of land that is put under irrigation, adding that this can apply well in Rift Valley.
SOUGHT AFTER
“Kenya’s coffee is worldly known and highly sought after as a specialty brand but production has been on the decline, putting the future of the sector in limbo as potential buyers seek alternative sources,” Mr Kamau said.
Coffee production has declined from a peak of 130,000 metric tonnes in 1988 to an average of 50,000 tonnes in recent years despite several government interventions that included debt waiver, cheaper credit to farmers and liberalisation of the market.
Some of the reasons blamed for this are reduction of acreage in traditional coffee growing regions due to competition from more rewarding ventures like real estate mostly in Central Kenya, and low income for small scale farmers, which has discouraged many.
“Productivity per coffee tree should be part of the strategy to improve production. This has remained very low at an average of two kilogrammes per year yet there is potential for average of over 30 kilogrammes. We can raise output by improving production from the trees we already have,” Mr Joseph Kimemia, a former director of research at Coffee Research Foundation said.
According to 2014 Economic Survey, coffee production declined by 18.8 per cent from 49,000 metric tonnes in 2012 to 39,800 tonnes in 2013, which was attributed to rising costs of farm and processing inputs. The average yield also decreased in both estates and co-operatives sub-sectors.
According to Vision 2030, the target is to attain 100,000 metric tonnes a year in 15 years.
Agriculture Principal Secretary Sicily Kariuki said the government would work with the counties in coffee-growing zones to assist in raising production.
Ethiopia: Mimi Alemayehou - the Woman On Top of a Multi-Billion Dollar Investment Company
Photo: Tami Hultman / AllAfrica
Mimi Alemayehou, Executive VP of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, at the Africare CODA dinner at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
Mimi Alemayehou is an Executive Advisor and Chair of Blackstone Africa Infrastructure LP, a premier global investment and advisory firm. She is also a Managing Director at Black Rhino Group, a Blackstone portfolio company. Prior to joining Blackstone and Black Rhino, Mimi was appointed by President Barak Obama to be the Executive Vice President of The Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), the development finance agency of the U.S. government. Previously, she was appointed by President George W. Bush to serve as the United States Executive Director on the board of the African Development Bank (AfDB). Prior to AfDB, Mimi was the Founder and Managing Partner of Trade Links, LLC, a development consulting firm. She also managed a multi-country trade project in Africa for the International Executive Service Corps, and was Director of International Regulatory Affairs for WorldSpace Corporation, a satellite telecommunications company. Mimi, an Ethiopian born naturalized US citizen and a mother of two, holds a Masters degree in International Business and International Law and Development from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University. Addis Standard interviewed Mimi on her career, past and present, her congressional testimony and her life as a mother.
Editor's Note: Although Mimi was in Addis Abeba during the last week of November this year, due to her busy schedule, this interview was conducted via e-mail. Excerpts:
Addis Standard -You left the Executive vice President post at the Overseas Private Investment Cooperation (OPIC), where you were the hand-picked choice of President Barak Obama, for Black Rhino Group and became its new Managing Director. But many people thought of OPIC as the climax of your career. Do you believe that?
Mimi Alemayehou - I have always believed that life is a journey of learning; there is no end to it until you are no more. While I absolutely enjoyed my job at OPIC during the last four years, I do not believe OPIC was the climax of my career. There is much more in my future. While at OPIC, I saw that many countries in Africa, including Ethiopia, were experiencing a different kind of transformation that I have not seen in my working career. A very important part of that transformation was the private sector and I definitely wanted to be a part of that sector, including moving back to the African continent to do it. I am currently serving a dual role as Executive Advisor and Chair of Blackstone Africa Infrastructure LP and also as a Managing Director of one of Blackstone's portfolio companies, Black Rhino Group. Blackstone is the premiere global investment and advisory firm, managing almost $300 billion and extremely committed to developing large, highly development infrastructure projects in key markets in Africa through its infrastructure platform - Black Rhino Group.
Energy is a sector the government in Ethiopia has shifted its focus into as of late. Is there any plan by Black Rhino to work with the government of Ethiopia? Can you tell me about the rumored gas pipeline from Ethiopia to Djibouti that involved Black Rhino?
Black Rhino is now a portfolio company of Blackstone so it is owned by Blackstone. Black Rhino is currently in discussions with both the governments of Djibouti and Ethiopia on a potential refined products pipeline between Djibouti and Ethiopia. We have just completed a preliminary feasibility study and look forward to working with the governments of Djibouti and Ethiopia. It is still in the early stages of development; and for this project to succeed, it has to make economic sense for both countries and incorporated in their growth strategies. As you may know, Blackstone/Black Rhino has an important partnership with Dangote Industries, which was announced at the historical US-Africa summit in August 2014. We have committed to invest US$5 billion together in infrastructure projects.
Let me take you back to your career before joining Blackstone/Black Rhino. In your role at OPIC from March 2010 to April this year you managed a portfolio of about US$16 billion invested in over 100 countries. If I can ask you to describe for me the most important achievement within these four years of OPIC under your leadership, what would that be?
During my time at OPIC, the portfolio grew by more than 24 per cent to US$18 billion. I was most proud of tripling the corporation's Africa portfolio to nearly US$4 billion. I was also very involved in President Obama's signature initiative for Africa - PowerAfrica. That process very much impacted my decision to join Blackstone and Black Rhino. The private sector is increasingly playing a significant role in the development of infrastructure projects in Africa more than any other time and it is exciting to build something from scratch that impacts people's lives positively.
In your testimony to the Committee on Foreign Relations of the US Senate in March of this year, you spoke of OPIC's 120 projects totaling US$ 3.9 billion throughout Africa. Ethiopia is not widely mentioned as benefiting from these projects as many other African states. Why is that?Or was there any part of this investment spent in Ethiopia that we don't know about?
As you may know, OPIC has not been active in Ethiopia due to a congressional issue. This has been an ongoing case for many years and still continues to impact OPIC's activities in Ethiopia to this day. I am still optimistic that this issue can be resolved soon as there are some key sectors in which OPIC can play an important role in Ethiopia, particularly in the renewable energy sector where the agency is one of the leading financiers amongst development finance institutions. OPIC financed the Ormat geothermal project in the rift valley region of Kenya and I know Ethiopia's geothermal potential is huge.
The hearing by the Committee on Foreign Relations of the US Senate was on the Power Africa Initiative, President Obama's initiative to support green energy production in Africa. But it is a project being heavily criticized by many as just another platform for profitable energy deals targeting US companies. How would you defend or describe the President's Power Africa Initiative?
PowerAfrica is meant to support the development of a significant amount of power generation on the continent where 600 million people have no access to power and literally live in the dark. There is room for everyone to play a role: the US, China, European companies, and most importantly African companies and governments. The Power Africa Initiative has many parts to it; there are several US government institutions that are providing a variety of tools from technical assistance to actual financing and insurance products. Although I am most familiar in how OPIC played a role, we had an inter-agency group that met regularly to make sure every agency was doing its part. USAID for example is providing valuable assistance to the selected countries by having an expert, a transaction advisor that actually sits at the Ministry level or wherever the host country needs the advisor most. Many important institutions and private sector companies have committed to the Power Africa Initiative including the African Development Bank, General Electric, Standard Bank, Heirs Holdings, and the African Finance Corporation. The idea was not for it to be an American initiative but one that spurs increased investment as a result from everyone and it is working.
Let's talk about you as a go-getter. Before OPIC you were the US's Executive Director at the AfDB- where you were the only woman in a pool of 17 men; before that you were the Director of International Regulatory Affairs at WorldSpace Corporation, and was, in 2013, named the '20 Young Power Women in Africa' by Forbes magazine. Yet, your life isn't just about career; you are a mother of two. How did you do that?
I have never doubted myself in the things I pursued. Fortunately, I have had some amazing mentors in my life and in turn I try as much as I can to mentor as many people, particularly young women. My previous role as the US Executive Director to AfDB was a presidential appointment by then President Bush. If you survey boards of private and public companies everywhere including the US and Europe, women are barely represented. There are many groups now advocating for better representation of women. Companies are also realizing that it is in their interest to include women on their boards and senior management.
In terms of the balancing act of career and family, I believe mothers are natural multi-taskers. Being a mother is my biggest accomplishment so far. I have missed my share of soccer games and piano recitals and it's something that I have learned to accept, you just cannot be at all the places you want to be at and it is important to prioritize particularly when you have children. This is a dilemma every working parent faces. Thanks to technology we are so much more connected now and no matter what part of the world I am in, I get to speak with them. Having a supportive partner also allows me to travel and pursue the things I am doing.
You openly talk about the adversaries your parents and family members had to go through during the socialist Derg regime in Ethiopia. How influential was the life you spent abroad to your personality and career life today?
The entire country suffered during the Derg period; my family was not unique. While my parents and grandparents had properties expropriated, it does not compare at all to the loss of lives, particularly the generation of youth that were slaughtered by the Derg regime. We all need to tell those stories so they are not forgotten. My most impressionable years were probably during my time in Kenya. I met so many people from many parts of the world for the first time in my life and that had a long term impact in my life as it made me more open-minded and gave me a greater appreciation for human diversity.
Some say as someone who was not born American but naturalized, the most challenging career you had pursued was when you were the legislative staffer on Capitol Hill. Was it an eye opening career for you? Something that made you believe you can get what you want whenever you want to?
It was not the most challenging but obviously this was 19 years ago and things were very different and there were not many immigrants/non-citizens working on Capitol Hill but it did not stop me from pursuing it. I wanted to work on Capitol Hill because I always had an interest in public policy. You can read about how laws are made but there is nothing like being in the middle of how laws are made and participate in one of the most vibrant democracies in the world. It also made a difference that I worked for a Congressman who is incredibly ethical, hard working, and dedicated to his constituents. He gave me a lot of room to grow by giving me the foreign affairs and trade portfolios, which were exactly the issues I was interested in.
When you were at OPIC and deeply involved in supporting electricity projects in Africa, you often talked about how hard life was for your grandmother who had had to live and die without having seen electricity and how that drives your passion to make your work a success. Do you still carry that spark in you?
To this day my late grandmother's village does not have electricity. That is a story that can be told a million times. There are many children doing homework under a street light in many parts of Africa or cooking food under the worst type of conditions and breathing unhealthy fumes. I used my grandmother's example to personalize the other 600 million people; I think people relate to someone they know that is in front of them and I wanted the Senators in the room to know that I was not talking about statistics from a text book; this is someone that I know.
In 2012 you came to Ethiopia with the CEO of OPIC, Elizabeth Littlefield. As part of your trip you witnessed the lives of some of the hardest hit women struggling with life without electricity. As someone who was born in Ethiopia, how did that single experience affect you?
Yes, OPIC's CEO Elizabeth Littlefield and I were in Ethiopia when the country hosted the World Economic Forum. We traveled on the outskirts of the city and saw a sight which is quite common when you live in Ethiopia: Women, both young and old, transporting heavy bundles of firewood on their backs. What looked like an excruciating and laborious chore was ultimately just part of daily struggle to heat their homes and provide a source for cooking family meals.Currently, three billion people in the world use inefficient stoves to cook their food. World Health Organization data shows indoor air pollution kills two million people every year and even more are harmed by accidents. In addition to the health effects, the hours that women and children spend collecting fuel for these stoves is time they could be spending bettering themselves through education and even developing small businesses for additional household income. OPIC supported several clean stove initiatives in partnership with the state department; it was something we were committed to as a corporation.
Photo: Tami Hultman / AllAfrica
Mimi Alemayehou, Executive VP of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, at the Africare CODA dinner at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
Mimi Alemayehou is an Executive Advisor and Chair of Blackstone Africa Infrastructure LP, a premier global investment and advisory firm. She is also a Managing Director at Black Rhino Group, a Blackstone portfolio company. Prior to joining Blackstone and Black Rhino, Mimi was appointed by President Barak Obama to be the Executive Vice President of The Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), the development finance agency of the U.S. government. Previously, she was appointed by President George W. Bush to serve as the United States Executive Director on the board of the African Development Bank (AfDB). Prior to AfDB, Mimi was the Founder and Managing Partner of Trade Links, LLC, a development consulting firm. She also managed a multi-country trade project in Africa for the International Executive Service Corps, and was Director of International Regulatory Affairs for WorldSpace Corporation, a satellite telecommunications company. Mimi, an Ethiopian born naturalized US citizen and a mother of two, holds a Masters degree in International Business and International Law and Development from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University. Addis Standard interviewed Mimi on her career, past and present, her congressional testimony and her life as a mother.
Editor's Note: Although Mimi was in Addis Abeba during the last week of November this year, due to her busy schedule, this interview was conducted via e-mail. Excerpts:
Addis Standard -You left the Executive vice President post at the Overseas Private Investment Cooperation (OPIC), where you were the hand-picked choice of President Barak Obama, for Black Rhino Group and became its new Managing Director. But many people thought of OPIC as the climax of your career. Do you believe that?
Mimi Alemayehou - I have always believed that life is a journey of learning; there is no end to it until you are no more. While I absolutely enjoyed my job at OPIC during the last four years, I do not believe OPIC was the climax of my career. There is much more in my future. While at OPIC, I saw that many countries in Africa, including Ethiopia, were experiencing a different kind of transformation that I have not seen in my working career. A very important part of that transformation was the private sector and I definitely wanted to be a part of that sector, including moving back to the African continent to do it. I am currently serving a dual role as Executive Advisor and Chair of Blackstone Africa Infrastructure LP and also as a Managing Director of one of Blackstone's portfolio companies, Black Rhino Group. Blackstone is the premiere global investment and advisory firm, managing almost $300 billion and extremely committed to developing large, highly development infrastructure projects in key markets in Africa through its infrastructure platform - Black Rhino Group.
Energy is a sector the government in Ethiopia has shifted its focus into as of late. Is there any plan by Black Rhino to work with the government of Ethiopia? Can you tell me about the rumored gas pipeline from Ethiopia to Djibouti that involved Black Rhino?
Black Rhino is now a portfolio company of Blackstone so it is owned by Blackstone. Black Rhino is currently in discussions with both the governments of Djibouti and Ethiopia on a potential refined products pipeline between Djibouti and Ethiopia. We have just completed a preliminary feasibility study and look forward to working with the governments of Djibouti and Ethiopia. It is still in the early stages of development; and for this project to succeed, it has to make economic sense for both countries and incorporated in their growth strategies. As you may know, Blackstone/Black Rhino has an important partnership with Dangote Industries, which was announced at the historical US-Africa summit in August 2014. We have committed to invest US$5 billion together in infrastructure projects.
Let me take you back to your career before joining Blackstone/Black Rhino. In your role at OPIC from March 2010 to April this year you managed a portfolio of about US$16 billion invested in over 100 countries. If I can ask you to describe for me the most important achievement within these four years of OPIC under your leadership, what would that be?
During my time at OPIC, the portfolio grew by more than 24 per cent to US$18 billion. I was most proud of tripling the corporation's Africa portfolio to nearly US$4 billion. I was also very involved in President Obama's signature initiative for Africa - PowerAfrica. That process very much impacted my decision to join Blackstone and Black Rhino. The private sector is increasingly playing a significant role in the development of infrastructure projects in Africa more than any other time and it is exciting to build something from scratch that impacts people's lives positively.
In your testimony to the Committee on Foreign Relations of the US Senate in March of this year, you spoke of OPIC's 120 projects totaling US$ 3.9 billion throughout Africa. Ethiopia is not widely mentioned as benefiting from these projects as many other African states. Why is that?Or was there any part of this investment spent in Ethiopia that we don't know about?
As you may know, OPIC has not been active in Ethiopia due to a congressional issue. This has been an ongoing case for many years and still continues to impact OPIC's activities in Ethiopia to this day. I am still optimistic that this issue can be resolved soon as there are some key sectors in which OPIC can play an important role in Ethiopia, particularly in the renewable energy sector where the agency is one of the leading financiers amongst development finance institutions. OPIC financed the Ormat geothermal project in the rift valley region of Kenya and I know Ethiopia's geothermal potential is huge.
The hearing by the Committee on Foreign Relations of the US Senate was on the Power Africa Initiative, President Obama's initiative to support green energy production in Africa. But it is a project being heavily criticized by many as just another platform for profitable energy deals targeting US companies. How would you defend or describe the President's Power Africa Initiative?
PowerAfrica is meant to support the development of a significant amount of power generation on the continent where 600 million people have no access to power and literally live in the dark. There is room for everyone to play a role: the US, China, European companies, and most importantly African companies and governments. The Power Africa Initiative has many parts to it; there are several US government institutions that are providing a variety of tools from technical assistance to actual financing and insurance products. Although I am most familiar in how OPIC played a role, we had an inter-agency group that met regularly to make sure every agency was doing its part. USAID for example is providing valuable assistance to the selected countries by having an expert, a transaction advisor that actually sits at the Ministry level or wherever the host country needs the advisor most. Many important institutions and private sector companies have committed to the Power Africa Initiative including the African Development Bank, General Electric, Standard Bank, Heirs Holdings, and the African Finance Corporation. The idea was not for it to be an American initiative but one that spurs increased investment as a result from everyone and it is working.
Let's talk about you as a go-getter. Before OPIC you were the US's Executive Director at the AfDB- where you were the only woman in a pool of 17 men; before that you were the Director of International Regulatory Affairs at WorldSpace Corporation, and was, in 2013, named the '20 Young Power Women in Africa' by Forbes magazine. Yet, your life isn't just about career; you are a mother of two. How did you do that?
I have never doubted myself in the things I pursued. Fortunately, I have had some amazing mentors in my life and in turn I try as much as I can to mentor as many people, particularly young women. My previous role as the US Executive Director to AfDB was a presidential appointment by then President Bush. If you survey boards of private and public companies everywhere including the US and Europe, women are barely represented. There are many groups now advocating for better representation of women. Companies are also realizing that it is in their interest to include women on their boards and senior management.
In terms of the balancing act of career and family, I believe mothers are natural multi-taskers. Being a mother is my biggest accomplishment so far. I have missed my share of soccer games and piano recitals and it's something that I have learned to accept, you just cannot be at all the places you want to be at and it is important to prioritize particularly when you have children. This is a dilemma every working parent faces. Thanks to technology we are so much more connected now and no matter what part of the world I am in, I get to speak with them. Having a supportive partner also allows me to travel and pursue the things I am doing.
You openly talk about the adversaries your parents and family members had to go through during the socialist Derg regime in Ethiopia. How influential was the life you spent abroad to your personality and career life today?
The entire country suffered during the Derg period; my family was not unique. While my parents and grandparents had properties expropriated, it does not compare at all to the loss of lives, particularly the generation of youth that were slaughtered by the Derg regime. We all need to tell those stories so they are not forgotten. My most impressionable years were probably during my time in Kenya. I met so many people from many parts of the world for the first time in my life and that had a long term impact in my life as it made me more open-minded and gave me a greater appreciation for human diversity.
Some say as someone who was not born American but naturalized, the most challenging career you had pursued was when you were the legislative staffer on Capitol Hill. Was it an eye opening career for you? Something that made you believe you can get what you want whenever you want to?
It was not the most challenging but obviously this was 19 years ago and things were very different and there were not many immigrants/non-citizens working on Capitol Hill but it did not stop me from pursuing it. I wanted to work on Capitol Hill because I always had an interest in public policy. You can read about how laws are made but there is nothing like being in the middle of how laws are made and participate in one of the most vibrant democracies in the world. It also made a difference that I worked for a Congressman who is incredibly ethical, hard working, and dedicated to his constituents. He gave me a lot of room to grow by giving me the foreign affairs and trade portfolios, which were exactly the issues I was interested in.
When you were at OPIC and deeply involved in supporting electricity projects in Africa, you often talked about how hard life was for your grandmother who had had to live and die without having seen electricity and how that drives your passion to make your work a success. Do you still carry that spark in you?
To this day my late grandmother's village does not have electricity. That is a story that can be told a million times. There are many children doing homework under a street light in many parts of Africa or cooking food under the worst type of conditions and breathing unhealthy fumes. I used my grandmother's example to personalize the other 600 million people; I think people relate to someone they know that is in front of them and I wanted the Senators in the room to know that I was not talking about statistics from a text book; this is someone that I know.
In 2012 you came to Ethiopia with the CEO of OPIC, Elizabeth Littlefield. As part of your trip you witnessed the lives of some of the hardest hit women struggling with life without electricity. As someone who was born in Ethiopia, how did that single experience affect you?
Yes, OPIC's CEO Elizabeth Littlefield and I were in Ethiopia when the country hosted the World Economic Forum. We traveled on the outskirts of the city and saw a sight which is quite common when you live in Ethiopia: Women, both young and old, transporting heavy bundles of firewood on their backs. What looked like an excruciating and laborious chore was ultimately just part of daily struggle to heat their homes and provide a source for cooking family meals.Currently, three billion people in the world use inefficient stoves to cook their food. World Health Organization data shows indoor air pollution kills two million people every year and even more are harmed by accidents. In addition to the health effects, the hours that women and children spend collecting fuel for these stoves is time they could be spending bettering themselves through education and even developing small businesses for additional household income. OPIC supported several clean stove initiatives in partnership with the state department; it was something we were committed to as a corporation.
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Barrel Brothers.®
South Africa's race to space: Could studying Big Bang bring big bucks?
By Mairi Mackay and Eoghan Macguire, for CNN
updated 6:24 AM EST, Wed December 24, 2014 |
The ambitious Square Kilometer Array project aims to build a giant radio telescope that will help scientists paint a detailed picture of some of the deepest reaches of outer space.
Techonomics" focuses on how technology is revolutionizing the way we live and do business. Looking at new business models and innovations, CNN explains and analyzes all aspects of this disruptive global shift.
(CNN) -- In the sparse hinterland of Africa's southernmost nation plans are afoot to boldly take the continent where it has never gone before -- the deepest reaches of outer space.
It's here, in South Africa's Karoo desert, that construction is scheduled to begin on the Square Kilometer Array, a cluster of 3,000 satellites working in tandem over a square kilometer area.
This highly sensitive collective of dishes and antennas will combine to act as a giant radio telescope -- the biggest in the world when built, according to the SKA Organization -- probing the dark heart of space.
An accompanying selection of array and aperture antennas, meanwhile, will provide continuous coverage of radio waves between 70 MhZ and 10 GhZ that penetrate the earth's atmosphere.
A composite image of the MeerKAT and ASKAP satellites. (Credit: SKA)
Scientists hope the project will shed further light on the mysteries posed by the likes of quasars, dark matter and black holes.
According to Phil Diamond, Director-General of the SKA Organisation, the project could even enable scientists to "pick up signals from extraterrestrials" should they exist, although this isn't the projects primary objective.
There's also the exciting possibility of capturing information on how the universe evolved in its earliest moments.
The space effect
For science, the prize is clearly huge.
(There are) endless possibilities through innovation and new technologies which may be replicated on Earth.
Dr Sandile Malinga, SANSA CEO
A full budget for the SKA is yet to be confirmed but construction is slated to begin by 2018.
Given the scale of the project, which has the backing of 11 member countries, some have even dubbed the SKA astronomy's version of the Large Hadron Collider.
For South Africa and the wider African continent, there are also many ancillary benefits.
The SKA -- an international affair -- is headquartered in the UK with the telescope itself planned for a "dual site" location in Australia and South Africa. Distant stations will also be set up in Botswana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Zambia and Ghana.
SKA South Africa is also building the MeerKAT radio telescope, which will act as a precursor to the SKA and later be integrated into the larger telescope.
The construction, observation and upkeep of these facilities will provide skilled jobs for local people.
SKA South Africa project director Bernie Fanaroff, meanwhile, says that the telescope array will generate more data in a day than already exists on the entire internet.
As such, new computer software and programs that can pinpoint relevant data and allow humans to interact with it in a simple and time-efficient manner are currently being developed.
Given the increasing importance of "big data" collection and analysis across a host of contemporary industries, South Africa's government is taking a calculated risk that the technologies underpinning these systems will find further commercial use both in Africa and beyond.
Economic benefits
For the Rainbow Nation, these are clearly exciting and potentially lucrative developments to be a part of.
What we don't want is vanity space programs.
Calestous Juma, Harvard University
"South Africa wants to move away from being resource heavy economy to bring young people into science and technology," explains Fanaroff. "Building the SKA ... is a way of emphasizing and getting people to accept that science and tech is a key part of development."
This is a point of view that Dr Sandile Malinga, head of the South African National Space Agency, strongly concurs with.
He points to successful SANSA programs currently underway -- including the development and launch of satellites that provide data used to inform government decisions on security, agriculture and environmental protection -- which prove the benefits of serious investment in a modern space program. The agency also gave helpto NASA's Mars Curiosity Mission during launch in 2011.
"(There are) endless possibilities through innovation and new technologies, which may be replicated on earth," Malinga says.
"The necessary knowledge and skills developed through such missions will open doors for our people to position themselves equally on the global space stage and even bring in external funding to our countries thus boosting the economies," he adds.
The African space race
South Africa isn't the only African nation thinking along these lines.
Nigeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria and Egypt have all established space and satellite programs with similar aims.
Ghana, Uganda, Angola, Ethiopia and Kenya, meanwhile, have voiced their commitment to follow suit.
Some observers question whether the underlying infrastructure to enable these ambitions to flourish in the long term is currently in place.
Calestous Juma, a Harvard University professor and co-chair of the African Union's High-Level Panel on Science, Technology and Innovation, told CNN that while it is right that African nations invest in space technology they must do so in a thoughtful and strategic manner.
He points to the importance of focusing on education and inspiring future generations to become scientists and engineers, to create valuable and highly skilled workforces.
"What we don't want is vanity space programs," Juma said. "As it stands, I think they are focusing more on the space programs and less on the education ... (space programs) have to be designed as a capability program otherwise the economic return will not be fully realized."
While this may be the case for some African nations, Fanaroff says that since 2005 South Africa has issued some 600 grants in their human capacity development program, covering "everything from research chairs down to artisan training."
We don't accept that South Africa has to remain on the edge of civilization.
Bernie Fanaroff, Director, SKA South Africa project
"We're putting a lot of young people through a pipeline where we're trying to take them into astronomy and physics or engineering in their first or second year of university and taking them all the way through to post-doctoral fellowships. That's starting to work quite well," adds Fanaroff.
Aid and space
Despite his concerns about infrastructure, Calestous Juma is enthusiastic about the broader aims of developing space programs on the continent.
There are others, however, who say that African nations should focus more on providing for the basic needs of their populations than on the luxury of space investment.
South Africa has one of the largest gaps between rich and poor globally, with millions living in shanty towns -- although earlier this year, the government reported that the population living in extreme poverty has dropped by 2.4 million since 2006.
Egypt has been wracked by political instability and violence since former president of 30 years, Hosni Mubarak was forced to resign by protesters in 2011 and the subsequent overthrow in 2013 of President Mohamed Morsy in a military coup.
And in Nigeria, some regions boast the unenviable record of having 60% of their population living in extreme poverty.
Matthew Sinclair from the British Taxpayers Alliance body wasquoted by the UK's Independent newspaper in 2013 asking why his country was sending money to provide development assistance to nations like Nigeria and South Africa when they are investing in space technologies.
"If a foreign government has enough cash to invest in an ambitious space program, it should not expect to be receiving cash from the UK," Sinclair said.
Colonial thinking
The likes of Malinga and Fanaroff, however, have little time for these suggestions.
"This is an argument we hear often and is largely as a result of the public not being able to make the link between the benefits of space investment against addressing society's needs," Malinga says.
"Africa has immense challenges with poverty, hunger and access to potable water which can all be diminished through investment in space" by providing valuable data that can make public policy more efficient, for example.
On top of this, "innovations that arise from the 'out-of-the-box' thinking that space encourages will impact on growing local economies and create opportunities for Africans in the global market," he adds.
Fanaroff, however, is more withering in his riposte.
"We don't accept that South Africa has to remain on the edge of civilization. That we don't accept, that's the old colonial way of thinking," Fanaroff says.
"For South Africa and Africa (this could be) the next great economic growth story," he adds. "We will play a role in the future."
http://us.cnn.com/2014/12/22/tech/south-africa-space-ska/index.html?sr=sharebar_twitter
By Mairi Mackay and Eoghan Macguire, for CNN
updated 6:24 AM EST, Wed December 24, 2014 |
Techonomics" focuses on how technology is revolutionizing the way we live and do business. Looking at new business models and innovations, CNN explains and analyzes all aspects of this disruptive global shift.
(CNN) -- In the sparse hinterland of Africa's southernmost nation plans are afoot to boldly take the continent where it has never gone before -- the deepest reaches of outer space.
It's here, in South Africa's Karoo desert, that construction is scheduled to begin on the Square Kilometer Array, a cluster of 3,000 satellites working in tandem over a square kilometer area.
This highly sensitive collective of dishes and antennas will combine to act as a giant radio telescope -- the biggest in the world when built, according to the SKA Organization -- probing the dark heart of space.
An accompanying selection of array and aperture antennas, meanwhile, will provide continuous coverage of radio waves between 70 MhZ and 10 GhZ that penetrate the earth's atmosphere.
A composite image of the MeerKAT and ASKAP satellites. (Credit: SKA)
Scientists hope the project will shed further light on the mysteries posed by the likes of quasars, dark matter and black holes.
According to Phil Diamond, Director-General of the SKA Organisation, the project could even enable scientists to "pick up signals from extraterrestrials" should they exist, although this isn't the projects primary objective.
There's also the exciting possibility of capturing information on how the universe evolved in its earliest moments.
The space effect
For science, the prize is clearly huge.
(There are) endless possibilities through innovation and new technologies which may be replicated on Earth.
Dr Sandile Malinga, SANSA CEO
A full budget for the SKA is yet to be confirmed but construction is slated to begin by 2018.
Given the scale of the project, which has the backing of 11 member countries, some have even dubbed the SKA astronomy's version of the Large Hadron Collider.
For South Africa and the wider African continent, there are also many ancillary benefits.
The SKA -- an international affair -- is headquartered in the UK with the telescope itself planned for a "dual site" location in Australia and South Africa. Distant stations will also be set up in Botswana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Zambia and Ghana.
SKA South Africa is also building the MeerKAT radio telescope, which will act as a precursor to the SKA and later be integrated into the larger telescope.
The construction, observation and upkeep of these facilities will provide skilled jobs for local people.
SKA South Africa project director Bernie Fanaroff, meanwhile, says that the telescope array will generate more data in a day than already exists on the entire internet.
As such, new computer software and programs that can pinpoint relevant data and allow humans to interact with it in a simple and time-efficient manner are currently being developed.
Given the increasing importance of "big data" collection and analysis across a host of contemporary industries, South Africa's government is taking a calculated risk that the technologies underpinning these systems will find further commercial use both in Africa and beyond.
Economic benefits
For the Rainbow Nation, these are clearly exciting and potentially lucrative developments to be a part of.
What we don't want is vanity space programs.
Calestous Juma, Harvard University
"South Africa wants to move away from being resource heavy economy to bring young people into science and technology," explains Fanaroff. "Building the SKA ... is a way of emphasizing and getting people to accept that science and tech is a key part of development."
This is a point of view that Dr Sandile Malinga, head of the South African National Space Agency, strongly concurs with.
He points to successful SANSA programs currently underway -- including the development and launch of satellites that provide data used to inform government decisions on security, agriculture and environmental protection -- which prove the benefits of serious investment in a modern space program. The agency also gave helpto NASA's Mars Curiosity Mission during launch in 2011.
"(There are) endless possibilities through innovation and new technologies, which may be replicated on earth," Malinga says.
"The necessary knowledge and skills developed through such missions will open doors for our people to position themselves equally on the global space stage and even bring in external funding to our countries thus boosting the economies," he adds.
The African space race
South Africa isn't the only African nation thinking along these lines.
Nigeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria and Egypt have all established space and satellite programs with similar aims.
Ghana, Uganda, Angola, Ethiopia and Kenya, meanwhile, have voiced their commitment to follow suit.
Some observers question whether the underlying infrastructure to enable these ambitions to flourish in the long term is currently in place.
Calestous Juma, a Harvard University professor and co-chair of the African Union's High-Level Panel on Science, Technology and Innovation, told CNN that while it is right that African nations invest in space technology they must do so in a thoughtful and strategic manner.
He points to the importance of focusing on education and inspiring future generations to become scientists and engineers, to create valuable and highly skilled workforces.
"What we don't want is vanity space programs," Juma said. "As it stands, I think they are focusing more on the space programs and less on the education ... (space programs) have to be designed as a capability program otherwise the economic return will not be fully realized."
While this may be the case for some African nations, Fanaroff says that since 2005 South Africa has issued some 600 grants in their human capacity development program, covering "everything from research chairs down to artisan training."
We don't accept that South Africa has to remain on the edge of civilization.
Bernie Fanaroff, Director, SKA South Africa project
"We're putting a lot of young people through a pipeline where we're trying to take them into astronomy and physics or engineering in their first or second year of university and taking them all the way through to post-doctoral fellowships. That's starting to work quite well," adds Fanaroff.
Aid and space
Despite his concerns about infrastructure, Calestous Juma is enthusiastic about the broader aims of developing space programs on the continent.
There are others, however, who say that African nations should focus more on providing for the basic needs of their populations than on the luxury of space investment.
South Africa has one of the largest gaps between rich and poor globally, with millions living in shanty towns -- although earlier this year, the government reported that the population living in extreme poverty has dropped by 2.4 million since 2006.
Egypt has been wracked by political instability and violence since former president of 30 years, Hosni Mubarak was forced to resign by protesters in 2011 and the subsequent overthrow in 2013 of President Mohamed Morsy in a military coup.
And in Nigeria, some regions boast the unenviable record of having 60% of their population living in extreme poverty.
Matthew Sinclair from the British Taxpayers Alliance body wasquoted by the UK's Independent newspaper in 2013 asking why his country was sending money to provide development assistance to nations like Nigeria and South Africa when they are investing in space technologies.
"If a foreign government has enough cash to invest in an ambitious space program, it should not expect to be receiving cash from the UK," Sinclair said.
Colonial thinking
The likes of Malinga and Fanaroff, however, have little time for these suggestions.
"This is an argument we hear often and is largely as a result of the public not being able to make the link between the benefits of space investment against addressing society's needs," Malinga says.
"Africa has immense challenges with poverty, hunger and access to potable water which can all be diminished through investment in space" by providing valuable data that can make public policy more efficient, for example.
On top of this, "innovations that arise from the 'out-of-the-box' thinking that space encourages will impact on growing local economies and create opportunities for Africans in the global market," he adds.
Fanaroff, however, is more withering in his riposte.
"We don't accept that South Africa has to remain on the edge of civilization. That we don't accept, that's the old colonial way of thinking," Fanaroff says.
"For South Africa and Africa (this could be) the next great economic growth story," he adds. "We will play a role in the future."
http://us.cnn.com/2014/12/22/tech/south-africa-space-ska/index.html?sr=sharebar_twitter
27 baby elephants to be exported from Zimbabwe to China
Sapa | 24 December, 2014 12:21
A herd of elephants gather at a watering hole in Hwange National Park October 14, 2014.
Image by: PHILIMON BULAWAYO / REUTERS
Vets in Zimbabwe confirmed on Tuesday that rangers have captured 27 baby elephants in the western Hwange National Park ready for export to China.
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"There are 27 baby elephants there. One has died since capture," said Mel Hood of the independent Veterinarians for Animal Welfare (VAWZ).
"They are all destined for China, these 27. Nobody seems to know when they're going but apparently they will be flown out directly from Victoria Falls," she told Sapa.
News of the capture of the young elephants has provoked widespread international outrage. Activists say it is cruel to take the babies from the rest of the herd, where members are tightly bonded together. They fear the infants, all understood to be between three and five years old, will be mentally traumatised for life.
But the cash-strapped authorities in Zimbabwe say the export of live animals is being done in accordance with international treaties and that they need the money to fund operations in the park.
The Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force (ZCTF) says lion and sable are also being captured but this has not been independently confirmed.
Hood said the elephants were "being fed properly.
"They are being fed on a programme given to parks by one of the other companies that have elephants in captivity. So they are getting cubes, they're getting bush cuts four times a day and they're getting Lucerne bales. They're getting hay mixed with molasses," she said.
South Africa is one of five countries that have shown interest recently in buying animals from Zimbabwe, the private Newsday reported on Tuesday.
South Africa wants sables and buffalo, Newsday quoted Geoffreys Matipano of the state Zimbabwe National Parks and Wildlife Management Authority as saying. China, the UAE and France want elephants, while the DRC wants ostriches, according to the report.
Sapa | 24 December, 2014 12:21
A herd of elephants gather at a watering hole in Hwange National Park October 14, 2014.
Image by: PHILIMON BULAWAYO / REUTERS
Vets in Zimbabwe confirmed on Tuesday that rangers have captured 27 baby elephants in the western Hwange National Park ready for export to China.
SAVE & SHARE
"There are 27 baby elephants there. One has died since capture," said Mel Hood of the independent Veterinarians for Animal Welfare (VAWZ).
"They are all destined for China, these 27. Nobody seems to know when they're going but apparently they will be flown out directly from Victoria Falls," she told Sapa.
News of the capture of the young elephants has provoked widespread international outrage. Activists say it is cruel to take the babies from the rest of the herd, where members are tightly bonded together. They fear the infants, all understood to be between three and five years old, will be mentally traumatised for life.
But the cash-strapped authorities in Zimbabwe say the export of live animals is being done in accordance with international treaties and that they need the money to fund operations in the park.
The Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force (ZCTF) says lion and sable are also being captured but this has not been independently confirmed.
Hood said the elephants were "being fed properly.
"They are being fed on a programme given to parks by one of the other companies that have elephants in captivity. So they are getting cubes, they're getting bush cuts four times a day and they're getting Lucerne bales. They're getting hay mixed with molasses," she said.
South Africa is one of five countries that have shown interest recently in buying animals from Zimbabwe, the private Newsday reported on Tuesday.
South Africa wants sables and buffalo, Newsday quoted Geoffreys Matipano of the state Zimbabwe National Parks and Wildlife Management Authority as saying. China, the UAE and France want elephants, while the DRC wants ostriches, according to the report.
27 baby elephants to be exported from Zimbabwe to China
Sapa | 24 December, 2014 12:21
A herd of elephants gather at a watering hole in Hwange National Park October 14, 2014.
Image by: PHILIMON BULAWAYO / REUTERS
Vets in Zimbabwe confirmed on Tuesday that rangers have captured 27 baby elephants in the western Hwange National Park ready for export to China.
SAVE & SHARE
EMAIL
PRINT
"There are 27 baby elephants there. One has died since capture," said Mel Hood of the independent Veterinarians for Animal Welfare (VAWZ).
"They are all destined for China, these 27. Nobody seems to know when they're going but apparently they will be flown out directly from Victoria Falls," she told Sapa.
News of the capture of the young elephants has provoked widespread international outrage. Activists say it is cruel to take the babies from the rest of the herd, where members are tightly bonded together. They fear the infants, all understood to be between three and five years old, will be mentally traumatised for life.
But the cash-strapped authorities in Zimbabwe say the export of live animals is being done in accordance with international treaties and that they need the money to fund operations in the park.
The Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force (ZCTF) says lion and sable are also being captured but this has not been independently confirmed.
Hood said the elephants were "being fed properly.
"They are being fed on a programme given to parks by one of the other companies that have elephants in captivity. So they are getting cubes, they're getting bush cuts four times a day and they're getting Lucerne bales. They're getting hay mixed with molasses," she said.
South Africa is one of five countries that have shown interest recently in buying animals from Zimbabwe, the private Newsday reported on Tuesday.
South Africa wants sables and buffalo, Newsday quoted Geoffreys Matipano of the state Zimbabwe National Parks and Wildlife Management Authority as saying. China, the UAE and France want elephants, while the DRC wants ostriches, according to the report.
Sapa | 24 December, 2014 12:21
A herd of elephants gather at a watering hole in Hwange National Park October 14, 2014.
Image by: PHILIMON BULAWAYO / REUTERS
Vets in Zimbabwe confirmed on Tuesday that rangers have captured 27 baby elephants in the western Hwange National Park ready for export to China.
SAVE & SHARE
"There are 27 baby elephants there. One has died since capture," said Mel Hood of the independent Veterinarians for Animal Welfare (VAWZ).
"They are all destined for China, these 27. Nobody seems to know when they're going but apparently they will be flown out directly from Victoria Falls," she told Sapa.
News of the capture of the young elephants has provoked widespread international outrage. Activists say it is cruel to take the babies from the rest of the herd, where members are tightly bonded together. They fear the infants, all understood to be between three and five years old, will be mentally traumatised for life.
But the cash-strapped authorities in Zimbabwe say the export of live animals is being done in accordance with international treaties and that they need the money to fund operations in the park.
The Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force (ZCTF) says lion and sable are also being captured but this has not been independently confirmed.
Hood said the elephants were "being fed properly.
"They are being fed on a programme given to parks by one of the other companies that have elephants in captivity. So they are getting cubes, they're getting bush cuts four times a day and they're getting Lucerne bales. They're getting hay mixed with molasses," she said.
South Africa is one of five countries that have shown interest recently in buying animals from Zimbabwe, the private Newsday reported on Tuesday.
South Africa wants sables and buffalo, Newsday quoted Geoffreys Matipano of the state Zimbabwe National Parks and Wildlife Management Authority as saying. China, the UAE and France want elephants, while the DRC wants ostriches, according to the report.
23/12/2014 / ANGOLA
Immigrants run for cover as Angola rounds up hundreds
The neigbhourhood of Hoji Ya Henda, in Luanda, where many immigrants from West African countries run little stores. Screen grab from a video published on YouTube.
This weekend, authorities in Luanda launched a massive crackdown on immigrants, arresting hundreds, most of them from West African countries including Guinea, Ivory Coast and Senegal. Our Observers told us that many immigrants who weren’t arrested are now hiding in their homes, terrified at the idea of ending up in an Angolan prison.
According to the sparse information relayed by state media, 2,161 people were reportedly stopped by the police this weekend, and 884 of them, who reportedly did not have proper documentation, were arrested. According to Angola’s Interior Ministry, the majority of these people came from other African countries, but not exclusively: 300 Chinese citizens were detained Sunday, though all but 30 of them were quickly freed following negotiations with the Chinese embassy. All those arrested are currently being kept at a detention centre for illegal immigrants called Trinita.
“I had never seen such a big crackdown!”
Joao (not his real name) is Angolan and lives in Luanda.
On Saturday, I noticed that the police was carrying out a big crackdown in my neighbourhood. I saw a few young foreigners flee to neighbours’ houses and hide there. I would have liked to take photos, but I quickly noticed that there were plainclothes police present. I saw other policemen in uniform arresting foreigners and putting them into Jeeps. All the little stores in my neigbhourhood – which we called “cantinas” – were closed.
It’s easy for the police to find strangers here in Luanda, since all the “cantinas” are run by foreigners. In the past, when there have been rumours of crackdowns, we’ve seen the cantinas shut their doors for a couple of days. But I have never seen such a big crackdown!
“Having your papers in order isn’t enough to avoid going to prison”
Mohamed (not his real name) is Ivorian. He has worked as a taxi driver in Luanda for three years.
It all started Friday, when most of the West Africans went to the mosque for prayers. There’s one mosque in particular, near the airport, where West Africans like to meet. I was about to head out there when a friend who was already at the mosque called me. He told me not to come, because the police had surrounded the mosque and was starting to arrest people. Even the mosque’s imam was arrested.
I listened to his advice and stayed home. I haven’t left the house since. I’m in here with ten of my friends. We’re afraid to go outside and get picked up by the police. Many of our friends were arrested, at the mosque or in the streets. My cousin and his wife were arrested too. Yet they, like me, have their papers in order allowing them to live and work in Angola. But having papers isn’t enough to avoid going to prison here! [Editor’s note: Many other immigrants interviewed by FRANCE 24 complained about this problem.]
Here, you have to pay for everything. As a taxi driver, the police are always stopping me and asking me for money. Often, they’ll slap me around. They don’t like foreigners very much, even less so those of us who speak French.
We’re in contact with some of the people who have been arrested. Most of them had their mobile phones confiscated, but a few managed to hide theirs and keep them in prison. They told us the prison was badly overcrowded, that men and women were mixed together, and that many of them were forced to sit outside in the yard, under the hot sun. They only get fed once a day. And they say the prison guards hit some of them.
We called the Ivorian embassy, but they told us that for now, the ambassador hadn’t been allowed to visit the prisoners. They told us to stay indoors until the situation calms down.
http://observers.france24.com/content/20141223-arrests-foreigners-angola-luanda-prison
Immigrants run for cover as Angola rounds up hundreds
The neigbhourhood of Hoji Ya Henda, in Luanda, where many immigrants from West African countries run little stores. Screen grab from a video published on YouTube.
This weekend, authorities in Luanda launched a massive crackdown on immigrants, arresting hundreds, most of them from West African countries including Guinea, Ivory Coast and Senegal. Our Observers told us that many immigrants who weren’t arrested are now hiding in their homes, terrified at the idea of ending up in an Angolan prison.
According to the sparse information relayed by state media, 2,161 people were reportedly stopped by the police this weekend, and 884 of them, who reportedly did not have proper documentation, were arrested. According to Angola’s Interior Ministry, the majority of these people came from other African countries, but not exclusively: 300 Chinese citizens were detained Sunday, though all but 30 of them were quickly freed following negotiations with the Chinese embassy. All those arrested are currently being kept at a detention centre for illegal immigrants called Trinita.
“I had never seen such a big crackdown!”
Joao (not his real name) is Angolan and lives in Luanda.
On Saturday, I noticed that the police was carrying out a big crackdown in my neighbourhood. I saw a few young foreigners flee to neighbours’ houses and hide there. I would have liked to take photos, but I quickly noticed that there were plainclothes police present. I saw other policemen in uniform arresting foreigners and putting them into Jeeps. All the little stores in my neigbhourhood – which we called “cantinas” – were closed.
It’s easy for the police to find strangers here in Luanda, since all the “cantinas” are run by foreigners. In the past, when there have been rumours of crackdowns, we’ve seen the cantinas shut their doors for a couple of days. But I have never seen such a big crackdown!
“Having your papers in order isn’t enough to avoid going to prison”
Mohamed (not his real name) is Ivorian. He has worked as a taxi driver in Luanda for three years.
It all started Friday, when most of the West Africans went to the mosque for prayers. There’s one mosque in particular, near the airport, where West Africans like to meet. I was about to head out there when a friend who was already at the mosque called me. He told me not to come, because the police had surrounded the mosque and was starting to arrest people. Even the mosque’s imam was arrested.
I listened to his advice and stayed home. I haven’t left the house since. I’m in here with ten of my friends. We’re afraid to go outside and get picked up by the police. Many of our friends were arrested, at the mosque or in the streets. My cousin and his wife were arrested too. Yet they, like me, have their papers in order allowing them to live and work in Angola. But having papers isn’t enough to avoid going to prison here! [Editor’s note: Many other immigrants interviewed by FRANCE 24 complained about this problem.]
Here, you have to pay for everything. As a taxi driver, the police are always stopping me and asking me for money. Often, they’ll slap me around. They don’t like foreigners very much, even less so those of us who speak French.
We’re in contact with some of the people who have been arrested. Most of them had their mobile phones confiscated, but a few managed to hide theirs and keep them in prison. They told us the prison was badly overcrowded, that men and women were mixed together, and that many of them were forced to sit outside in the yard, under the hot sun. They only get fed once a day. And they say the prison guards hit some of them.
We called the Ivorian embassy, but they told us that for now, the ambassador hadn’t been allowed to visit the prisoners. They told us to stay indoors until the situation calms down.
http://observers.france24.com/content/20141223-arrests-foreigners-angola-luanda-prison
Love threads like these