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Part 3
French Imperialism and Neo-colonialism in Mali | Black Agenda Report
Link:African countries have no say in the decision pertaining to their financial and monetary policies. While French president Macron in 2017 called for a gradual phasing out of the colonial currency CFA, apologizing and encouraging the economic independence of African nations, the French eyes have not left the prize. At the end of 2019, monetary reforms were announced by ECOWAS and Macron. They introduced the new currency ECO to replace the franc CFA. They further abolished the requirement to deposit foreign exchange reserves in the French Treasury and announced the withdrawal of French representatives from the West African Economic and Monetary Union. These reforms were the very result of a public outcry to abolish the colonial currency by panafrican social movements, intellectuals and citizens both within Africa and the diaspora. However, it appears that these gestures are mostly symbolic as the financial dependency associated to legal and monetary policies of West African nations to France remains in place. The likelihood is that France will take over the control of the Eco from ECOWAS and maintain the benefits it has had with the franc CFA by various financial, economic and political means.
Clearly the independence of West African Nations remains more cosmetic than actual as imperial forces keep their holds on these countries’ finances. However, the discontent of African populations has become more vocal. In Mali, as many have observed, the French military presence has been basically ineffective pertaining to its official objectives and the political and economic chaos in the country continues on. The incredible level of corruption exhibited by the now deposed president Ibrahim Boubacar Keita (IBK) has led to a veritable popular uprising by Malian citizens. The movement of opposition to IBK baptized M5-RFP (movement of June 5 – Gathering of Patriotic Forces), demanded the departure of the president. Prey to jihadist activities, the poorest regions of Mali remain abandoned by IBK’s government while jihadist groups furthered the divide within Mali by fueling interethnic conflicts, Peuls against Dogon, Tuaregs against Peuls, etc.
IBK, supported by France, had practically done nothing to help solve the situation. Of course, like in many countries, the IMF “adjustment” structural programs have led to the gutting of the public sector and the destruction of public industries and services. In consequence, thousands of government workers have had to be laid off, hospitals and schools have had to close, and so on. The indulgence and lack of concern by the IBK regime had led to the uprising of the Malian people, a 20 million population, 40% of whom live in utter poverty and face the plight of hunger. As O. Mariko remarks, it is this abject insecurity, the famine, the lack of health care, of schools, of infrastructure that often lead people into the arms of jihadists, despite the fact that the great majority of Malians practice a moderate Islam. Unfortunately, since the French intervention, extremism has only proliferated in the region. It is obvious that the social and political situation of the Malian people does not figure on the imperial French agenda. Not only have the French no longer engaged in a peace mission alongside the UN forces but they keep on propping up corrupt governments, even turning a blind eye on the embezzlement of funds destined to aid and development.
“Since the French intervention, extremism has only proliferated in the region.”
While the people of Mali rose en masse against the corrupt IBK government and the foreign presence in their country, on August 18, 2020, the military, led by Colonel Assimi Goita (also US trained) arrested IBK and transported him to a military base after which he accepted to resign from his presidency. In a fashion similar to the coup of 2012, the five officers declared themselves the National Committee for the Salvation of the People. The great majority of Malians rejoiced at the downfall of the IBK government but the event was right away condemned by the French, British and German governments. Similarly to the events of 2012, the African Union, considering the coup unconstitutional, and ECOWAS suspended Mali’s membership and imposed sanctions right away: border closure, a ban on trade and cuts in flows of capital against the torn nation, with the fear that the coup would plunge Mali “deeper into insecurity and a serious humanitarian crisis.” ECOWAS and the “international” community demanded the return of the loathed president to power. Only after the military accepted a transition to civilian rule did ECOWAS lift the imposed sanctions. Today a government comprised of both military and civilians, led by chosen president Bah Ndaw, heads the country of Mali. According to Mariko, these events, as those of 2012, should not be called “coups” as much as they are the results of tremendous popular discontent about the social and political conditions in Mali, conditions that have not been in any way improved (and in fact worsened) by French and European presence in the region for a people stuck between political elites serving French interests and foreign interests themselves.
“These events should not be called ‘coups’ as much as they are the results of tremendous popular discontent.”
Unfortunately, the popular uprising of 2020 that shook Mali, did not deter at all the persistence of antiterrorist activities by the French. Prior to the coup, a new task force was introduced into Mali: the Takuba Task Force was supposed to accompany the Malian military in the fight against jihadists. This group was supported, in March of this year, by the governments of Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, France, Germany, Mali, the Netherlands, Niger, Norway, Portugal, Sweden and the United Kingdom, while the following countries are to contribute to the special operation units: Ireland, Estonia, France, Finland, Latvia, Denmark, Belgium Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands and the UK. It certainly appears that a whole lot of other Western actors, led by France, want to participate in the plundering of the continent and get some access to the loot, for it would be deeply disturbing for one to actually believe that any of them would intervene in Africa for any other reasons. And although social and political conditions are not changing and may be getting worse for the people, imperial forces continue mouthing the same narrative, on and on, of fighting the very extremist terrorism they created, even if indirectly. The United States, of course, is never far behind. Proud to claim France to be its oldest ally in the fight against terrorism, AFRICOM has given consistent support to French imperialist activities in the Sahel since 2012, providing transport, aerial refueling, intelligence, logistics, training and drone support. It is clear that, on the imperialist world map, if South America represents the “United-States’ backyard,” West Africa represents “France’s backyard.”
Despite the fact that the on-going fight against terrorism has not yielded any “positive” results, whatever that means, it is obvious that France and its cohorts have no interests whatsoever in the population of these African nations.
“A whole lot of Western actors want to participate in the plundering of the continent.”
The events described above clearly illustrate the neo-colonial imperatives motivating France and European nations to intervene, as well as the attempts of those nations to uphold their economic interests against global competitors. The destruction of public services, the absolute dismissal of social difficulties plaguing countries such as Mali shows that, despite the empty reassurance of the French president, these are of no concern whatsoever to imperial and neo-colonial forces who only cater to foreign private corporate interests. Those imperialist forces are particularly keen in creating chaos and destabilization while at the same time claiming to want to do away with it, and all the while preventing any popular democratic endeavors to resurrect some degree of political stability and popular dignity. The consequences of the destruction of Libya by NATO and its allies has created problems which France and its European cohorts now claim to cure with their interventions. Thus, the French, Europeans and Americans play both sides of the coin by being both the cause and the solution of the problems faced by the nations in which they intervene, while facilitating access to markets and resources by private foreign interests. Since the independence of most West African Nations in the early 60s, the same old story keeps on repeating itself while their sovereignty, their right to self-determination, to true independence has yet to be realized. While rich in raw materials, these countries’ populations remain mired in poverty. If the people of Mali wish for a better life, for a popular democracy and serious, respectful international cooperation, they clearly will not get it from France, its European cohorts or the United States. As Thomas Sankara said,” imperialism is a system of exploitation that occurs not only in the brutal form of those who come with guns to conquer territory. Imperialism often occurs in more subtle forms: a loan, food aid, blackmail. We are fighting this system that allows a handful of men on earth to rule humanity.” These words are as true today as they were then.
French Imperialism and Neo-colonialism in Mali | Black Agenda Report
