Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About

Misreeya

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@Diasporan Royalty @Poitier @Red Shield

And why are you guys against this? I will have my coffee and wait for a rational explanations from you gentlemen.:sas2:


I hope your answers are logical and rational and not mere fear mongering, or they typical sub saharans Africans are mere children to be taken advantage of by outsiders within the continent.
 

Misreeya

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I reckon sending my people as spies to places like Iraq, Egypt, Somalia, Libya, and even Syria i heard does account for a award from the CIA.

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A general view shows the skyline of the Sudanese capital of Khartoum (old news few months back 17/07/2017)

Compared to the fanfare surrounding the removal of sanctions against Iran, Myanmar or Cuba, the approaching end of US economic sanctions against Sudan has received scant attention. The decision to lift sanctions after more than 20 years was made in the last days of former US President Barack Obama and overshadowed by the inauguration of President Donald Trump. Few companies took notice at the time. The decision to lift sanctions has also been delayed by making it subject to a review on July 12, 2017, forcing Sudan to show continued goodwill and giving the Trump administration a chance to make a final decision on the subject.

President Trump has so far failed to give a clear indication on whether he will approve the removal of sanctions. However, signs coming out of the US administration indicate that he will likely support his predecessor’s initiative. Collaboration between the CIA, FBI and the Sudanese security agencies has significantly intensified over the last weeks and both US agencies are planning to step up their presence in the country. Sudan has long collaborated with the US on anti-terrorism matters and is positioning itself as an important partner in the region.

Khartoum has also made significant efforts to improve its international image and meet various criteria set out by the US administration. The country has cut ties with Iran and switched support to the UAE and Saudi Arabia, including by sending combat troops to fight in Yemen. Domestically, the Sudanese government has agreed on humanitarian access to conflict zones in the south and political concessions that led to the formation of a National Consensus Government. Although human rights activists point to continued violations in the country, a recent CIA report suggests that Sudan has met the conditions for the removal of sanctions in July.





Back in business

The lifting of US sanctions is set to significantly improve the business environment and drive the growth of Sudan’s economy, already more than 1.5 times the size of Kenya. Although a number of US companies have previously been active in Sudan through their non-US subsidiaries, the removal of US sanctions will make doing business in the country considerably easier. In particular, the ability to transfer funds in and out of the country, previously severely restricted for both US and non-US companies, is set to gradually improve as more and more banks recommence processing Sudan-linked payments. The likely lifting of most sanctions also reduces reputational risk, which acts as a further driver of foreign investment.

Sudan is likely to pursue a strategy of establishing itself as a hub for Arab-African trade. Gulf countries - in particular Saudi Arabia - have previously expressed interest in investing in land and agribusiness to improve food security at home. Many companies in the Gulf are looking for new investment opportunities as growth has stagnated in markets closer to home. A shared language, cultural links and similarities mean they are likely to consider Sudan familiar enough to include it in their expansion strategy.


Renewed interest in oil and gas is likely as companies benefit from improved security in parts of the country as well as more favorable conditions from a government keen to attract investment in exploration work. The gold mining sector is likely to continue to see a rapid expansion that has helped Sudan become Africa's third largest gold exporter in just a few years. Activity in the nascent financial services sector, agriculture, pharmaceuticals and chemicals and consumer goods sector is also likely to increase.

Proceed with caution

While it is hard to overstate the potential for improvements that will come with the removal of US sanctions, Sudan will remain a challenging investment environment. Political reforms are largely cosmetic and power remains firmly in the hands of President Omar al Bashir and the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS). As a result, contract re-negotiation, arbitrary tax demands, corruption and political interference will remain key risks. This includes, for example, the promising gold mining sector where the NISS has a strong influence and will likely retain control even after the end of US sanctions.

Nonetheless, these challenges are not unique to Sudan but can be found in many other jurisdictions in the region, many of which have attracted international investors operating successful businesses. Some of these companies have already expressed tentative interest in expanding their business to Sudan. While an immediate flood of investment is unlikely following July 12, we expect momentum to build up gradually as companies go through the careful process of weighing up opportunities and risks, a balance which is about to look more favorably than it has for many years.
 

Misreeya

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Revealed: The Spies Helping Push South Sudan to Genocide

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More than two decades ago Africa learned that the United Nations and United States would not act to stop mass murder. Nearly a million people were killed in less than a hundred days during the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

But today a new lesson is being learned. Court documents and U.N. reports, some obtained exclusively by The Daily Beast, show that African states will not only stand by during mass bloodshed, but will assist a brutal government—South Sudan—as it pushes the country closer to genocide.

A court affidavit in Nairobi alleges a close partnership between Kenyan and South Sudanese spies. A confidential report that describes U.N. peacekeeping operations suggests military cooperation between Uganda’s and South Sudan’s government. And an internal U.N. letter shows that Egypt has provided diplomatic cover to South Sudan at the U.N. headquarters in New York.

This support has contributed to the collapse of South Sudan, the youngest country in the world that gained independence in 2011 with the strong support of the United States.

African states pushed for a greater role in solving regional crises after the Rwandan genocide in 1994, where the U.S. and U.N. received blame for standing by during mass atrocities. There is no doubt President Salva Kiir and the constellation of rebel groups who have taken up arms against him are overwhelmingly responsible for their country’s fate. But the documents show how in one of East Africa’s first opportunities to take the lead in ending one of the world’s worst wars is failing, miserably.

Leaders are afraid of supporting an arms embargo, sanctions, and attempts to bring leaders to justice in South Sudan, because it could set a precedent in the broader East African region, Luka Kuol, a professor at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies said in an interview. The thinking of these African leaders is simple: these tools may be used against them next.


Princeton Lyman, the former U.S. envoy to South Sudan, also told The Daily Beast that Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and others in the region have significant financial interests in South Sudan that are at risk if Kiir’s government falls.

The U.N. says South Sudan is at risk of genocide and ethnic cleansing already is underway. Earlier this year a million people were on the brink of a famine created by the conflict. Since the summer of 2016 nearly a million South Sudanese have fled marauding government forces into Uganda, where they have created the world’s largest new refugee camp.

Uganda also appears to be one of the biggest military suppliers to South Sudan’s government, according to a collection of public reports by U.N. experts (PDF).

Military cooperation between Uganda and South Sudan is close. When the exodus of refugees was at a peak last winter, Uganda’s military crossed the border into South Sudan to assist civilians fleeing the brewing ethnic conflict, according to a confidential report from the Ceasefire and Transitional Security Arrangements Monitoring Mechanism, a body that monitors the country’s peace deal.

The Ugandan military “temporarily helped civilians return to their villages to collect belongings, and encountered the SPLA [the government’s militia] gang raping women, especially near the Asua military barracks,” the report said.

No intervention on behalf of Uganda’s government was described in the March report

Agreements to operate on each other’s territory appear to work in both directions. In late May, around 50 South Sudanese government soldiers toting automatic weapons were sighted some 20 kilometers across the border in northern Uganda. The rag-tag soldiers were traveling in the direction north to Kajo-Keji, a once bustling South Sudanese town that has seen some of the worst ethnic fighting and is nearly fully deserted.

In the case of Kenya, there is evidence that its intelligence officials work closely with their South Sudanese counterparts. In late January 2017, a pair of South Sudanese living in Kenya—human rights lawyer Dong Samuel Luak and opposition official Aggrey Idri—disappeared in the capital of Nairobi.

Telephone transcripts filed as an affidavit in Kenyan court obtained by The Daily Beast show a South Sudanese intelligence officer, John Top Lam, appeared to have inside knowledge of the disappearance. He sought a $10,000 bribe from a confidant of the two men and implied it was for Major-General Philip Wachira Kameru, the head of Kenya’s intelligence service.

Kameru told Lam, the South Sudanese intelligence officer, that the two kidnapped men “will not be taken to Juba, we will first get information from them,” according to the telephone transcript. “You know these people, it is always the language of money.”

It is unclear if the money was ever sent but Dong and Aggrey were never found. As a result, a flood of South Sudanese opposition figures who used to lounge and drink warm Guinness in Nairobi’s rooftop hotels have fled the country.

After hundreds died in fighting that spread across the capital of Juba last summer, evidence of Egypt’s military support to the South Sudanese surfaced in U.N. reports. They indicate Egyptian nationals have supplied South Sudan’s government with caches of small arms and ammunition, as well as armored vehicles.

Egypt’s government called these reports “inaccurate” and “erroneous” in a June letter of protest from the country’s United Nations delegation that has been obtained by The Daily Beast. Importantly, the letter does not dispute charges that Egypt has fueled South Sudan’s civil war.

Cairo later tried to block future investigations into the conflict, U.N. officials say. That effort was unsuccessful, but along with its vocal opposition to an arms embargo at the Security Council, Egypt’s diplomatic maneuvers have chilled resolutions at the U.N.

Sudan was a frequent supplier of weapons to rebel groups in South Sudan, but there has been little public evidence that operation continues. Pressure from the U.S. government has helped.


The African Union has been charged with holding South Sudan’s leaders accountable for crimes against humanity committed during the civil war, but progress has been slow. A court of both African and South Sudanese judges to try the country’s leaders for crimes committed during the civil war has been agreed to, and observers say that its creation is a test.

A former senior official from the Obama administration said that this is an important moment for the African Union to show that it has both the will and the capacity to hold regional leaders accountable when they engage in some of the worst crimes known to humanity.

There is cause for hope. After two years of delay, the African Union and South Sudanese government recently made some progress on details of what that court will look like. But like previous agreements South Sudan’s government has made, it is likely to stall or back out entirely.

For all the criticism of the African states’ role in fueling South Sudan’s war, relying on them for peace would not be necessary if the United States, United Kingdom, or other Western nations stepped up. Western nations like the United States and United Kingdom are hesitant to commit peacekeepers to South Sudan to protect civilians.

For more than two years the United States essentially blocked an arms embargo on South Sudan. Heads of state and high-ranking officials from these governments have never participated in a sustained diplomatic effort for peace in South Sudan.

If these countries don’t like the way East Africa is fueling South Sudan’s civil war, it’s time for them to begin acting, not just talking.

Revealed: The Spies Helping Push South Sudan to Genocide
 

Bawon Samedi

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@Diasporan Royalty @Poitier @Red Shield

And why are you guys against this? I will have my coffee and wait for a rational explanations from you gentlemen.:sas2:


I hope your answers are logical and rational and not mere fear mongering, or they typical sub saharans Africans are mere children to be taken advantage of by outsiders within the continent.

1. They're going to challenge Nigeria's leadership in the region. 2. This is another way so European goods can be flooded into West Africa[which ECOWAS rejected].
 

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Painting their land

Congolese art is recovering from its lowest days, But paint and canvas for Congolese artists often still have to be brought in the luggage of foreign patrons

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Sep 14th 2017

JOSEPH KINKONDA, one of the most famous artists in the Democratic Republic of Congo, lives in a dank bedroom in Ndjili, a scrubby neighbourhood of Kinshasa. At the end of his bed sits a plate with a few balls of paint wrapped in plastic. The air-conditioning unit is broken; a single bare light bulb hangs from the ceiling. Mr Kinkonda, who goes by his pen name of Chéri Chérin, seems as worn down as the surroundings. His legs are swollen; his belly barely covered by a shirt that is as dirty as it is shiny. Yet when he speaks, this miserable studio comes alive.

“I was born with drawing,” he announces. “I did not learn it. I had it in my blood.” Born in 1955, he recounts how his father wanted him to become a priest and sent him to a Jesuit seminary. But sensing that his passion was not for religion, the Jesuits sent him to Kinshasa’s Académie des Beaux-Arts instead. On finishing he started drawing huge murals on shop walls. Today he is the leader of a collective of a dozen or so painters. In the courtyard outside the studio his paintings stand in the sun, to be viewed by passers-by. They depict daily life in Congo in an almost cartoonish style, with a vicious satirical touch. One shows an overloaded truck stuck on a mud road, with the caption “wait until when?”

Congolese painting has an illustrious history. As early as 1929, under Belgian colonialism, an exhibition of watercolours by Albert Lubaki, a painter, caused a sensation at the Palais des Beaux-Arts in Brussels. Coco Chanel was a notable early collector. After independence, under the late dictator Mobutu Sese Seko, who advocated an ideology of African authenticité, Congolese artists also benefited from the state’s patronage. Even today, in the filthy mega-city of Kinshasa, remnants of that era remain in the form of impressive public sculptures and murals on public buildings.

Yet recent decades have been less generous. At the end of the cold war, Mobutu’s kleptocratic patronage ran out, along with state funds for almost everything else. In 1994 the academy in Kinshasa closed down as students joined pro-democracy strikes against the regime. And in 1997 a ragtag rebel army sponsored by Rwanda and Uganda marched across the Congo basin and into the capital, at the start of a war which in some parts of the country has yet to end. Art continued: Jean Pigozzi, the heir to a French motoring fortune, supported more than a few painters. But making a living became much harder, says Franck Dikisongele, an artist and curator.

Today, however, Congolese art, like painting across much of Africa, is reviving. As before much of the impetus has come from outside. In 2015 an exhibition took place in Paris that brought many Congolese artists to attention in the West. One new collector is Sindika Dokolo, a Congolese businessman who is the husband of an Angolan, Isabel dos Santos, reputedly Africa’s richest woman. But even within Congo, some patrons have emerged. Trust Merchant Bank, one of Congo’s biggest, hosts an impressive gallery in its head offices in Kinshasa, and sponsors exhibitions. The best hotels in the city feature a growing number of Congolese works.

Artists in Congo tend to deal with real life, rather than abstractions. Art, says, Papy Malambu, who paints expressionist portraits of working men, is “a mirror for all of the world”. Mr Kinkonda’s school, which he calls “popular art”, focuses on street scenes. Others deal more directly with the tragedy of war. Freddy Tsimba creates elaborate sculptures out of found pieces of metal, including used cartridge cases gathered from battlefields.

Mr Malambu says he likes to paint men pulling carts as a reminder to Congo’s big men of what real work is. Mr Kinkonda inserts hidden satirical messages into his street scenes: a dog surrounded by objects refers to a proverb that ultimately hints at the uselessness of politicians. Mr Tsimba’s sculptures include one of a life-size car being pushed along by figures made from spoons. The car represents Congo, moved by its people and driven by a politician who refuses to start the engine.

Unfortunately, unlike music, Congo’s other big cultural export, art does not tend to pay. Though some Congolese paintings have sold for hundreds of thousands of dollars overseas, many accomplished Congolese artists still live in poverty. “It is mostly expatriates, the whites, who buy. We Congolese cannot buy because there is no money,” says Hyppolite Benga Nzau, who goes by Chéri Benga (and whose work appears below). Mr Malambu reckons he does well to sell a few paintings a year, typically for a few hundred dollars each. Most artists work out of slum studios or, in the case of one collective of young painters, out of an abandoned, dilapidated building. Materials such as paint and canvas often still have to be brought in the luggage of foreign patrons.

What does the future hold for Congo’s artists? For all their success abroad, the political situation at home grows ever more tense. Despite his second and supposedly final term running out last December, Joseph Kabila, the president, remains in office. New conflict has displaced roughly 1m more people in the past year. If the unrest spreads to the capital, the artistic renaissance could be arrested again. Yet, says Sam Ilus, one of Mr Kinkonda’s protégés, “there is always hope. We live today because we know that we will live tomorrow. Eventually, things always change.”

This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "Painting their land"

Painting their land
 

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Establishment of Africa's largest textile industry set to start

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Raziah Athman with AGENCIES

24/09 - 13:45

The establishment of Africa’s biggest textile industrial part is set to start in Nigeria, after the Kano state signed an MoU with Chinese Shandong Ruyi Technology Group.

The multinational company in July pledged to invest $600 million in the garment industry.

Many textile plants in Nigeria have been shredded by the recession the continent’s giant economy has suffered recently.

With a fall in oil prices, this sector is offering another window of opportunity for businessmen.



Both the government and unemployed youth will benefit from this venture seen as lease of life where access to funding is the biggest obstacle.

When President Muhammadu Buhari came into power, he had hoped to revive the once flourishing textile and leather industry in northern Nigeria to end the country’s dependence on oil exports and also diversify Africa’s biggest economy.

A single establishment like the Kano one can employ a minimum of 5,000 people.

Photo: Leadership

Establishment of Africa's largest textile industry set to start
 

Bawon Samedi

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Tanzania is rapidly closing its economic gap with Kenya

Snippet
Kenya’s status as East Africa’s economic powerhouse is at stake as Tanzania races closely behind, with a higher growth rate that is increasingly narrowing the gap between the two economies.

Tanzania has added impetus to its economic firepower, growing by an impressive seven per cent over the past five years compared to Kenya’s growth of just above five per cent.

The latest International Monetary Fund (IMF) data shows that Tanzania’s economy expanded seven times in the past 20 years while Kenya’s output grew five times since 1997 with the trend expected in coming years, weakening Nairobi’s future dominance.

The same data shows that there were times in the past when Kenya’s economy would be as many as four times as large as that of Uganda.

However, such a big gap has not been reached in many years and is has remained mostly below three times.
How Tanzania is bridging growth gap with Kenya

We'll see
 

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Groundbreaking African architecture is shedding a colonial past and identifying its own aesthetic

WRITTEN BY Lynsey Chutel

September 23, 2017


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One Airport Square in Accra. (Mario Cucinella Architects.)


The first Africa Architecture Awards will be held this month. It’s easy to be cynical about handing out trophies when so much development still needs to happen on the continent. Still, judging by the shortlist, the awards could help to identify what a uniquely African aesthetic is, while also highlighting the importance of incorporating environmental requirements and cultural identity. If anything, it’s also a welcome celebration of leaving behind colonial-era building.

The shortlist includes One Airport Square in Accra, which houses banks and offices. The building’s façade is inspired by the bark of a palm tree and is designed to make the most of Ghana’s vertical sunshine patterns.



The Out of the Box playground in Addis Ababa literally includes its main users, children, who were involved in brainstorming and painting the bamboo beams and recycled tires.

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The Out of the Box playground in Addis Ababa. (Out of the Box)

By launching an African architectural showcase, the organizers hope that the recognition the awards will come with will encourage architects to acknowledge the continent’s history, while at the same time looking for new innovations to bring that heritage into the 21st century.

“Foreigners think that Africa is about motifs and craft,” said Phill Mashabane, a well-known South African architect and the awards’ ambassador. “But in truth, African architecture is about the use of space and the hierarchy of spatial arrangement, the culture of usage and identity.”

The Dakar Congress Center, designed by Tabanlioglu Architects entered into the built category, draws meaning from the cultural significance of the baobab tree as a meeting place and its longevity in its habitat. The center, which hosts the Francophone Assembly, is built on the coast and incorporates water and bridges as passageways.



“Local people take their knowledge for granted—it’s part of their daily lives,” he added. “It takes foreign scholars unpacking this knowledge to motivate discussions around whether these interpretations are correct or not.”

That knowledge isn’t always ancient, as the Beyond Entropy Angola project shows. Entered into the speculative category, which is “promote imaginative responses to African realities,” the project tries to build on the innate yet overlooked intelligence of Luanda’s rapid and unplanned urban sprawl. Curators Paula Nascimento and Stefano Rabolli Pansera looked at how residents have created their own solutions to urbanization that could create an unexplored path for development.

Embracing African architecture could also bring a shift in the market. With Africans as the end-user occupying these spaces, the continent’s resources will no longer be viewed as part of a manufacturing chain, but could dictate the product itself. This could also encourage design professionals to look to materials they’ve ignored until now.

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The New Sight Eye Hospital in Ouesso, Congo Rep. (Geyser Hahm Architects and Boogertman and Partners)

The New Sight Eye Hospital, also entered into the speculative category, incorporates a hospital into the Congolese forest, rather than clearing a path. Designed by Geyser Hahn Architects and Boogertman and Partners, the eye hospital in Congo Brazzaville will treat patients suffering from river blindness. The building unobtrusively makes use of indirect light filtering through the trees and planted courtyards.

Despite its focus on homegrown aesthetic, many of the architectural firms nominated are, however, based in Europe. Backed by the French construction multinational Saint-Gobain, the overall winner will receive $10,000. The awards ceremony will be held at the Zeitz Museum of Contemporary Art Africa in Cape Town, South Africa on Sept. 28.

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Groundbreaking African architecture is shedding a colonial past and identifying its own aesthetic
 
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