Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About

Yehuda

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Opening of hypermarket in Angola helps develop economy

MAY 11TH, 2016
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The Candando hypermarket will help develop the food and non-food sector in Angola said Tuesday in Luanda the minister of Trade, Fiel Domingos Constantino, speaking at the opening ceremony.

The minister also said that opening of another commercial establishment shows that “there is still much to do in Angola in terms of setting up a modern commercial distribution chain.”

This hypermarket is the first of a network of 10 units to be built over the next five years with an estimated investment of US$400 million, which will focus on local, Angolan production.

For this first store, the group has signed contracts with 15 domestic producers, which will provide 90 percent of vegetables and and more than 40 percent of fruit, totalling some 300 tons per month.

In total, the group estimates it will purchase 225 tons of Angolan products per week from all provinces, such as fresh fish purchased almost entirely at the beaches between Ambriz and Porto Amboim.

The first store of the Contidis distribution group, which is inside the Shopping Avenida shopping centre, is wholly owned by businesswoman Isabel dos Santos, it was inaugurated in the presence of five Angolan ministers (Trade, Industry, Fisheries, Agriculture and Economics) and occupies an area of 10,000 square metres. (macauhub/AO)

Opening of hypermarket in Angola helps develop economy
 

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Kenya’s Push to Close World’s Largest Refugee Camp Fuels a Sense of Displacement
As Western allies question plan, Dadaab’s largely Somali residents, some of whom have never lived anywhere else, worry about where they might go
By Heidi Vogt | Photographs by Tommy Trenchard for The Wall Street Journal



DADAAB REFUGEE CAMP, Kenya— Brownkey Abdullahi was born here in the world’s largest refugee camp 23 years ago and has never lived anywhere else. Now the Kenyan government has distressed its Western allies by renewing a push to close it, throwing residents’ lives into confusion and uncertainty.

“I’m somebody who doesn’t know where to move if they tell me to move from here,” she said on Tuesday by telephone from Dadaab, where she was born to Somali parents.

The government said last week that it had disbanded its department of refugee affairs, the official liaison to the Dadaab camp, the United Nations-run complex that houses some 350,000 people around 60 miles west of the Kenyan-Somali border. The department appeared to stop operating immediately.

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At top, an aerial view of the Dadaab refugee camp in northern Kenya, taken on March 15. The camp, now 25 years old, is the world’s largest refugee settlement. Above, women walk past a tailor in a commercial neighborhood of the Dadaab camp.
The move to dissolve the department was necessary, the government said, to speed up the closing of Dadaab and Kakuma, a smaller camp housing mainly South Sudanese refugees. Kenyan officials say Dadaab in particular has become a haven for al-Shabaab, the Islamist militant group that is fighting the Somali government and has carried out major attacks in Kenya.

Interior Ministry spokesman Mwenda Njoka said Kenya also was moving to shut the camps because of what the government describes as years of international neglect even as the number of refugees in the East African nation swelled to more than 600,000.

“We haven’t gotten the kind of support that we were expecting, or that the rest of the world promised,” Mr. Njoka said. He suggested urging other countries in the region to assume more of the burden and host some of the Somali, South Sudanese and other refugees in Kenya. “Right now, the government has decided there’s a need to move with speed, with or without the support of the rest of the world.”

THE MURALS OF THE DADAAB
Photos: Stroll through the paintings of the Dadaab refugee camp

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A young refugee looks at murals on the wall of a beauty salon in the Dadaab refugee camp in northern Kenya.
For Ms. Abdullahi and other refugees, the problem is that there may be nowhere for them to go if Dadaab and Kakuma close.



Somalia is still mired in violence, Kenya won’t nationalize the refugees on its soil and there are few other countries willing to take them, amid the migrant crisis already besetting Europe, the Middle East, Central Asia and North Africa.

The U.N. has urged the Kenyan government to reconsider its steps to close the camps, saying refugees’ safety “has hinged on Kenya’s generosity and its willingness to be a leading beacon in the region for international protection.”

Whether Kenya will follow through on its threats to close the camps is unclear. It has made similar pronouncements before, leading some observers to claim the latest steps are a ploy for more humanitarian aid and financial support for its troops deployed in Somalia as part of an African Union peacekeeping force.

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Each day, Somali refugee Riwan Mohamed, 11, plays a soccer videogame in the camp.
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Safyo Ali, 30, is decorated with henna at a beauty salon. ‘I like coming here so I can look beautiful for my husband,’ she said.
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A Somali refugee working as a barber, shaves a customer’s hair.
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Residents eat lunch at a restaurant in the Dadaab camp.
“It is a bid for attention and money,” said Ben Rawlence, author of a book on Dadaab published this year. “This is about using the refugees as a bargaining tool.”

The sudden closure of the refugee-affairs department has disrupted operations at the camps. The registration of new refugees and the issuing of passes for refugees to travel outside the camp—tasks the department oversees—have been halted.

A weekly refugee-repatriation flight to Somalia from Dadaab has been suspended. At Kakuma, about 2,000 newly arrived South Sudanese refugees were waiting to be registered, with more expected to arrive at the camp soon, Conor Phillips, head of the Kenya office of the International Rescue Committee, said on Tuesday.

Doctors working in the camps have been unable to get government permission to send patients to Kenyan hospitals for emergency medical care.

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A part of Dadaab housing for recently arrived Somali refugees.
One refugee in a coma died over the weekend after no one in the Kenyan government would authorize her flight to Nairobi for treatment, Abbas Gullet, head of the Kenyan Red Cross said on Tuesday. Doctors Without Borders said it has been unable to transfer another four patients in need of emergency care.

Established in 1991, Dadaab is far from a stereotypical refugee camp of plastic sheeting and open wood fires. It is a teeming city with its own schools, restaurants, hair salons and computer-game arcades.

Ms. Abdullahi is doing well by camp standards—she has a degree from a Kenyan university earned via a satellite program run inside the camp and has started a blog about women’s rights. She has a new smartphone sent to her by a friend who was resettled abroad.

Some young men and women in Dadaab have received permission to attend school in Nairobi or—for a lucky few—in Canada and elsewhere. But unless they manage to get work permits or citizenship abroad, they are required to return to the camp, where despite their education and training, they are economically marginalized and eligible only for jobs with token pay of about $50 a month.

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A man tries to control an unruly camel, at top, at a livestock market in the Dadaab. Maalin Hassan, a former farmer from Dinsor, Somalia, stands outside his shelter in the camp, above.
Most of the people of Dadaab don’t consider repatriation a viable option now. Some who have opted for one of the free flights to Somalia to test out life there have already returned to the camp, saying al-Shabaab had tried forcefully to recruit them, said Laetitia Bader, a researcher with Human Rights Watch.

On Tuesday, Ms. Abdullahi said the prospect of Dadaab’s closure is the talk of the camp. She said that as much as she wants to leave, her current situation is better than having to start again in a new camp with nothing.

The latest update on her resettlement application was six years ago. The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees says it manages to resettle only about 2,000 refugees from Kenya each year.

“They told me be patient, we are going to call you,” she said. “But I’ve been patient for the last six years.”

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Brownkey Abdullahi, a 23-year-old Somali refugee, stands outside her home. She has lived her entire life in the Dadaab.


Write to Heidi Vogt at heidi.vogt@wsj.com

Corrections & Amplifications

An earlier version of this article contained misspellings of Dadaab as Dabaab. (May 14)
 

Premeditated

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Chinese bidder praised for speed in DR Congo’s massive dam contest
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The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo has said there are two teams left in the race to build the $12bn first phase of the Grand Inga dam complex.
One is a Chinese team composed of hydropower specialists Three Gorges and Sinohydro; the other is a Spanish group is made up of giant contractor Grupo ACS (Actividades de Construccion y Servicios) and infrastructure group Eurofinsa, both based in Madrid.

Bruno Kapandji, the DRC’s former foreign minister and the head of the Development and Promotion Office for the Grand Inga Project, told a press conference on Friday that the Chinese group was promising to bring the project online more quickly.

He said: “The Spanish said they’re going to finish all the works in five to six years. The Chinese candidate said a maximum of five years – and if they’re free to do whatever they want to do they can even do it in four.”

A third bidder, composed of South Korea’s Posco and Daewoo in partnership with Canada’s SNC-Lavalin withdrew in March. Eleven teams have expressed an interest in the dam since it was announced in 2010.

A winner will be named by August with a view to beginning construction in June 2017.

This scheme will involve building Inga 3, the DRC’s third dam on the Inga Falls. This is expected to produce 4.8GW of electricity, almost double the country’s present installed generating capacity.
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This dam is the first of a series that are expected to be built on the Inga Falls. In its final form, the scheme may consist of about eight power stations built over about 50 years for a sum of something like $100bn.

The total installed capacity of the falls will be between 40 and 50GW, making it the largest power producer on Earth and the most important piece of infrastructure in sub-Saharan Africa.

The site of the Grand Inga is unique because it allows hydropower dams to be built near the mouth of a major river, where its kinetic energy is greatest. Usually possible dam sites are located further upriver, where the valley is narrower. About 42 million tonnes of water flow through the lower Congo every second, the second greatest volume after the Amazon.

The DRC has already found a number of buyers for its future electricity. According to the World Bank, South Africa will buy 2.5GW beginning in 2020 and the mining industry will buy 1.3GW. A deal with Nigeria may be signed next month, and a memorandum of understanding was signed with Egypt in February during a visit by Matata Ponyo, the DRC’s prime minister, to Cairo.

The remainder will go to the Société Nationale d’Électricité, the DRC’s national utility. This will provide power to about 7 million people in the Kinshasa city region. The aim is to provide all unmet electricity needs there by 2025.
@KidStranglehold how we feel about this?
 

Bawon Samedi

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@Premeditated

Very good read. And its a no wonder why they are praising the Chinese.

Like or dislike the Chinese, when it comes to Africa there is at least no strings attached. Like I said before this could be the biggest product for Africa. And the biggest monumental structure built in Africa since the Great Pyramids. Matter fact this dwarfs the Great Pyramids.

I just hope this benefits the DRC the most.
 

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After Years of Distrust, U.S. Military Reconciles With Nigeria to Fight Boko Haram
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By HELENE COOPER and DIONNE SEARCEYMAY 15, 2016

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  • Nigeria from Israel because of human rights concerns, the Obama administration says it is poised to sell up to 12 light attack aircraft to Nigeria as part of an effort to support the country’s fight against the Boko Haram militant group.

    But the pending sale of the Super Tucano attack warplanes — which would require congressional approval — is already coming under criticism from human rights organizations that say President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria has not yet done enough to stop the abuses and corruption that flourished in the military under his predecessor, Goodluck Jonathan.

    Officials at the White House, the State Department and the Pentagon have been bracing for a fight with congressional Democrats, in particular Senator Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont, over the sale of the planes.

    The proposed sale reflects the warming of the relationship between the Nigerian and American militaries, which had frayed under Mr. Jonathan. The Pentagon often bypassed Nigeria in the fight against Boko Haram, choosing to work directly with neighboring Cameroon, Chad and Niger.

    In addition to citing corruption and sweeping human rights abuses by Nigerian soldiers, American officials were hesitant to share intelligence with the Nigerian military, saying Boko Haram had infiltrated it. That accusation prompted indignation from Nigeria.

    But that was before Mr. Buhari, a former Nigerian Army major general, defeated Mr. Jonathan in an election last year.

    Since coming into power, Mr. Buhari has devoted himself to rooting out graft in Africa’s largest economy.

    He has fired a number of Nigerian military officers accused of corruption, and American military officials say they are now working closely with some of their counterparts in Nigeria. The Obama administration is also considering sending dozens of Special Operations advisers to the front lines of Nigeria’s fight against Boko Haram, an insurgency that has killed thousands of civilians in the country’s northeast as well as in Cameroon, Chad and Niger.

    Mr. Buhari has also pledged to investigate allegations of human rights abuses and has said he will not tolerate them.

    A move to sell the Super Tucano attack aircraft to Nigeria, first reported by Reuters, would continue the détente between the two militaries, administration officials said. The Super Tucano, a turboprop aircraft, is designed for light attack, counterinsurgency, close air support and reconnaissance missions. It could prove useful as the Nigerian military tries to clear Boko Haram out of the Sambisa Forest, which is believed to hold large numbers of the militants, as well as kidnapped girls and women.

    The administration has not made a formal decision to send a notification to Congress, but a senior administration official said he expected one soon.President Obama is considering a trip to Nigeria in July.

    But already aides to Mr. Leahy, a sponsor of a human rights law that prohibits the State Department and Pentagon from providing military assistance to foreign militaries with poor human rights records, have expressed concern.

    “We don’t have confidence in the Nigerians’ ability to use them in a manner that complies with the laws of war and doesn’t end up disproportionately harming civilians, nor in the capability of the U.S. government to monitor their use,” said Tim Rieser, a top Leahy aide.

    “The United States is committed to working with Nigeria and its neighbors against Boko Haram,” said David McKeeby, a spokesman for the State Department’s Bureau of Political-Military Affairs. “The Nigerian security forces and regional forces from Cameroon, Chad and Niger have made important progress in pushing Boko Haram out of many towns and villages of northeast Nigeria and the broader Lake Chad basin region.”

    Gen. Mark A. Milley, the Army chief of staff, is attending a meeting of top African military officials, including from Nigeria, here in Arusha this week. Aboard his flight on Saturday, General Milley declined to comment on whether Nigeria’s human rights record had improved enough to warrant the sale, but said one of the reasons he was attending the meeting was to learn more about the African militaries with which the Pentagon is working.

    Consideration of selling the attack aircraft to Nigeria is a sharp turnabout from two years ago, when the United States blocked the sale of American-made Cobra attack helicopters to Nigeria from Israel, amid concerns about Nigeria’s protection of civilians when conducting military operations. That infuriated the Nigerian government, and Nigeria’s ambassador to the United States responded sharply, accusing Washington of hampering the effort against Boko Haram.

    “Let’s say we give certain kinds of equipment to the Nigerian military that is then used in a way that affects the human situation,” James F. Entwistle, the American ambassador to Nigeria, told reporters in October in explaining the decision to block the helicopter sale. “If I approve that, I’m responsible for that. We take that responsibility very seriously.”

    Under Mr. Jonathan, the former president, the Nigerian military was accused by human rights groups of detaining and killing thousands of innocent civilians in sweeps of the militant group, a practice that Amnesty International said was continuing. This year the military rounded up several hundred men and boys in arrests that Amnesty, in a report it released last week, called “arbitrary, the hazardous profiling based on sex and age of the individual rather than on evidence of crime.”

    The report said 149 people had died this year in detention in the Nigerian military’s Giwa barracks in Maiduguri, a city that has been a staging ground for the fight against Boko Haram. Among the victims were 11 children under age 6, including four infants, Amnesty said. The prisoners most likely died of disease, starvation, dehydration or gunshot wounds, the report said.

    In a news release, the Nigerian military called the report “completely baseless, unfounded and source-less with the intent of denting the image of the Nigerian Armed Forces.”

    Sarah Margon, the Washington director at Human Rights Watch, disagreed.

    “Indications that the U.S. is going to sell attack aircrafts to Nigeria is concerning given the absence of meaningful reform within Nigeria’s security sector,” Ms. Margon said. “The U.S. must make clear that if the sale is to occur, critical steps, not just rhetorical commitments, on core human rights concerns must be an integral component for approving the sale.”

    Helene Cooper reported from Arusha, and Dionne Searcy from Dakar, Senegal.

    A version of this article appears in print on May 16, 2016, on page A6 of the New York edition with the headline: Push to Sell Planes Shows U.S. Thaw With Nigeria. Order Reprints| Today's Paper|Subscribe
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/16/world/africa/boko-haram-nigeria-us-arms-sales-warplanes.html
 

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Africa's fastest growing economies: Cote d'Ivoire, Tanzania and Senegal lead the pack
Cote d'Ivoire is projected to be Africa's fastest growing economy in 2016, taking over from Ethiopia that grew at 10.2 percent last year. The International Monetary Fund in its World Economic Outlook report for April 2016, projects Cote d'Ivoire to grow at 8.5 percent, a slight drop from last year's 8.6 percent. Other fast growing economies this year are Tanzania at 6.9 percent, Senegal at 6.6 percent, Djibouti at 6.5 percent and Rwanda at 6.3 percent.
 

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Africa’s 20 most attractive countries for investors – Ernst & Young

Despite its economy slowing down, South Africa remains Africa’s most attractive nation for investors, according to the 2016 Ernst & Young Africa Attractiveness Index.

The report evaluates progress made in governance, diversification, infrastructures, business enablement, human development as well as resilience to current macroeconomic challenges.

Morocco is ranked second on the index, followed by Egypt, Kenya, Mauritius, Ghana Botswana, Tunisia and Rwanda. Cote d’Ivoire comes tenth.

Africa’s top economy, Nigeria comes 15th, mainly because of its poor performances in terms of governance and human development (See full ranking below).

South Africa, which is the continent’s most developed nation, owes its position to good performances in governance, diversification, infrastructures, business enablement and human development. Ernst & Young indicated that three north African nations (Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia) and Ghana, in West Africa, despite being under economic pressure, have a relatively good business environment, good infrastructures and in the case of Ghana, a good governance record.

Botswana, Mauritius and Rwanda, though small markets have good performances in terms of business enablement, social development and economic management. Kenya and Cote d’Ivoire have a relatively strong economic growth outlook, and good performances in terms of infrastructures and business enablement.

The study also reveals that Africa was in fact, “one of only two regions in the world in which there was growth in the number of FDI projects over the past year in 2015”. The number of FDI projects across Africa was 771 in 2015 against 722 in 2014, thus up 7%. Over the world, number of FDI projects fell by 5% in 2015.

However, these projects generated less in 2015, $7.3 billion, than in 2014, $88.5 billion. Yet revenues generated by FDI projects in 2015 are higher than yearly average of $68 billion recorded from 2010 to 2014.

Despite these performances, EY estimates that midterm outlook for many African countries remain uncertain. These countries include Nigeria and Angola that are presently suffering from slump in prices of oil.

In opposition, Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique and Cote d’Ivoire are among the 17 sub Saharan countries which should record a growth equal to or exceeding 5% in 2016. More generally, two thirds of sub Saharan African economies will have growth rates that are above global average this year.

“From an investment perspective, the next few years may be challenging, this is not because the opportunities are no longer there, but rather because these opportunities are likely to be more uneven than they have been. It is now more important than ever for organizations and investors, who sometimes place to great an emphasis on shorter term economic growth trends, to adopt a granular, fact-based approach to assessing investment and business opportunities for the long-term,” said Sugan Palanee, Africa Markets leader at EY.

Michael Lalor, EY’s Lead Partner Africa Business Center, for his part said that “given the scale, complexity and fragmented nature of the African continent, making well-informed choices about which markets to enter when and via which mode will be more critical than ever”.

Ernst & Young’s list of 20 most attractive countries for investors:

1-South Africa

2-Morocco

3-Egypt

4-Kenya

5-Mauritius

6-Ghana

7-Botswana

8-Tunisia

9-Rwanda

10- Cote d’Ivoire

11-Senegal

12-Tanzania

13-Uganda

14-Ethiopia

15-Nigeria

16-Algeria

17-Zambia

18-Namibia

19-Benin

20-Mozambique
Africa’s 20 most attractive countries for investors – Ernst & Young
 

Bawon Samedi

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Africa's fastest growing economies: Cote d'Ivoire, Tanzania and Senegal lead the pack
Cote d'Ivoire is projected to be Africa's fastest growing economy in 2016, taking over from Ethiopia that grew at 10.2 percent last year. The International Monetary Fund in its World Economic Outlook report for April 2016, projects Cote d'Ivoire to grow at 8.5 percent, a slight drop from last year's 8.6 percent. Other fast growing economies this year are Tanzania at 6.9 percent, Senegal at 6.6 percent, Djibouti at 6.5 percent and Rwanda at 6.3 percent.


@Poitier IIRC you seemed to have had an interest in the Ivory Coast. Well it seems to be passing Ethiopia...
 

Premeditated

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@Poitier IIRC you seemed to have had an interest in the Ivory Coast. Well it seems to be passing Ethiopia...
Ivory Coast always had all the right bases to flourish. It's just that they stagnated for the past 20-30 years. Lots of areas in Abidjan look like 1980s Denver or Boston. It was just as developed as those cities. But didn't progress more. Now there's lots of big projects rising up.
 
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