Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About

Scientific Playa

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How a Kenyan Farm Turns Harvest Waste to Much-Needed Electricity

Gorge Farm, in Kenya's Naivasha Rift valley, is the first grid-connect anaerobic digester power plant in Africa. The 800ha vegetable farm--and also the largest fresh-produce exporter in East Africa--is able to convert its daily150 tonnes of fresh organic waste into bio-gas, which is then combusted, using GE's J420 Jenbacher engines, into electricity. At an installed capacity of 24 MWs, the farm is able to power its operations, sell electricity into the country's grid and reduce carbon emissions by 7,000 tons a year. More about GE in Africa in this BRIEFING.

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Photo: Tropical Power
Gorge farm utilises local organic crop waste as feedstock for an innovative two-stage Anaerobic Digestive plant that is consistently up to 30% more efficient than conventional single-stage plants. The waste is digested by micro-organisms feeding in the absence of oxygen to produce biogas... “Through biogas and solar, we want to displace expensive and imported generation fuels – like diesel and heavy fuel oil – from Kenya’s distributed power mix" - Johnnie McMillan, Managing Director, Tropical Power.

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Gorge farm utilises local organic crop waste as feedstock for an innovative two-stage Anaerobic Digestive plant that is consistently up to 30% more efficient than conventional single-stage plants. The waste is digested by micro-organisms feeding in the absence of oxygen to produce biogas... “Through biogas and solar, we want to displace expensive and imported generation fuels – like diesel and heavy fuel oil – from Kenya’s distributed power mix" - Johnnie McMillan, Managing Director, Tropical Power.
 

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Wood production in Angola reaches 125,000 cubic metres in 2015

APRIL 19TH, 2016
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The Minister of Agriculture of Angola, Afonso Pedro Canga said in Luanda that timber production in 2015 reached 125,000 cubic metres, which is expected to increase to 230,000 cubic metres in 2017.

The minister also said wood from Angola is one of the best in Africa and is one of the products with the greatest potential for export.

Canga also said that a law on forests and wildlife is being prepared that will replace existing outdated legislation, to prevent illegal actions logging and wood exports.

“We want to implement a new law on forest and wildlife to safeguard our resources and thus invest more in local production,” said the Agriculture Minister. (macauhub/AO)

Wood production in Angola reaches 125,000 cubic metres in 2015
 
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Zimbabwe: Shoppers Rush to Botswana Despite Duty Surge

18 APRIL 2016

The hours are long and the border post, which opens at six o'clock in the morning until 10 o'clock at night, had kept many waiting during the dark hours of the night.

At seven o'clock in the morning, the border town of Plumtree, located 100 kilometres west of Bulawayo, is still asleep.

Down the road, a nurse in a white dress and blue jersey walks quickly in the chilly morning, presumably on her way to work.

The border post, however, is abuzz. A few metres from the border, Clive Matiwaza openly flashes a wad of Botswana pula notes. He is one of several money changers called "osiphatheleni" who operate at the border post.

Here, currency traders change South African rands and Botswana pulas and are an easy, round-the-clock alternative to the formal banking system for travellers between Zimbabwe and Botswana.

"It's still a bit early, but I have managed to change money for several people," Matiwaza explained, holding wads of cash in his hands and hoping for more business as the day progressed.

Peak business days, he said, were usually Fridays, month-ends and public holidays.

"That's when there is a lot of business because a lot of people will be travelling to Botswana to buy things for resale at home," he said.

During holiday periods such as Christmas, the border post has often had to operate 24 hours a day as it handles almost 12,000 travellers daily.

There has also been a marked increase in the number of travellers from South Africa who use the Plumtree border post to avoid congestion at Beitbridge border post. The processing of documents at this point of entry is more efficient.

Neighbouring Francistown in Botswana is the destination of choice for many Zimbabweans who often do single-day trips.

The trips are mainly for shopping purposes, with the relatively much lower prices offered by retailers for groceries in Botswana being an attraction for many locals.

The cheaply priced fuel in Botswana is also another pull factor; the pump price of P7,21 is equivalent to US$0,64 for petrol, nearly 50 percent cheaper than the pump price in Zimbabwe of US$1,26.

Attempts to rein in the influx of imported goods introduced earlier this year by government, have been so far futile.

In his Monetary Policy Statement made this year, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor, John Mangudya, indicated that exports had declined from US$2,8 billion in 2014 to US$2,5 billion last year, and that although imports had declined from US$5,9 billion in 2014 to US$5,5 billion in 2015, there had been a trade deficit of US$3 billion.

Government last year reduced the amount of duty-free rebate enjoyed by individuals from US$300 to US$200. This was meant to stem what it said were trivial imports. The list of goods which attract duty was also expanded to include dairy products, bedding and other items.

Lobby groups such as Buy Zimbabwe, which support the purchase of locally produced goods, welcomed government's intervention.

Zimbabwe Cross border Traders Association's president, Killer Zivhu, said the higher duties would help fund government operations, as the cash-strapped administration looked for ways to expand its revenue base.

"The reduction of [the] traveller's rebate is one of the measures meant to widen government's revenue base," he said.

An immigration officer at the border post said government's measures had not slowed down cross border business, with travellers still streaming into neighbouring Botswana in large numbers.

"People are still going to Botswana in their numbers. Obviously it is not as it was back in 2008, but daily there is a lot of traffic," said the immigration official who asked not to be identified for professional reasons.

The year 2008 marked the height of Zimbabwe's economic crisis, which was characterised by widespread commodity shortages and hyperinflation.

I count 25 cars and a bus filled with passengers so early in the morning. This should be a sign that there is no letting up in traffic into the neighbouring country. With the country's economic decline only worsening, indications suggest that the rush may only peak back to 2008 levels.

Nonsikelelo Mathe said she would continue going to Botswana because groceries were better priced there than locally.

"The shops in Zimbabwe are just over-priced," she said.

"It also doesn't matter what the government does in terms of taxes and duties, people will always find a way to beat the system because they are just desperate," Mathe added.

Zimbabwe: Shoppers Rush to Botswana Despite Duty Surge
 

Scientific Playa

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Peace Hyde - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Forbes Africa TV’s newest flagship series takes Wednesday afternoons by storm beginning Wednesday 04 May at 12:00 WAT. My Worst Day, hosted by Award winning presenter and West Africa correspondent for Forbes Africa and Forbes Woman Africa, Peace Hyde, will bring viewers the most riveting interviews from the continents elite business men.The show brings the journalist style of the number one monthly read magazine among Africa’s affluent to the silver screen delving into the most challenging day in business and how they overcame it.



Profiling 12 of the most successful entrepreneurs from the Forbes Africa rich list, the show will be a monthly programme and is produced by the Big Signature Group in partnership with financial giant Zenith Bank. Check out the exclusive trailer and tune in to the premier on Wednesday 4th May 2016 at 12:00 WAT, 13:00 CAT, 14:00 EAT on CNBC Africa.


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Beauty Of The Week: Peace Hyde By Bob Alash - Mar 10, 2015 0 Peace Hyde @peac_hy is this week “Beauty Of The Week” Peace Hyde . Let’s meet Peace Hyde, this week most beautiful girl right here on Jaguda.com :smile:

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jaguda.com/2015/03/10/beauty-of-the-week-peace-hyde/ © Jaguda.com
 

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Having a ‘bytch switch’ isn’t getting South African women into top management

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What was that about 'bytch switch'? (Reuters/Feisal Omar)

The chief executive of South Africa’s third largest telecom company thinks having a “bytch switch” serves women well in leadership positions.

For a brief moment, Cell C CEO Jose dos Santos was on the right side of history. Speaking on CliffCentral radio on Monday, he expressed his hopes that he would succeeded by a woman.

And then it went horribly wrong.

“If I can use the term on the radio station, women do have a bytch-switch and, boy, if you see two women fighting, it’s worse than two men having an argument,” Dos Santos said.

Dos Santos also highlighted the effect of having attractive women in the office, like the finalists of the Miss South Africa pageant, which Cell C sponsors.

“Do you know what it does to the atmosphere in that company? The men dress better, they shave every morning,” he said.

His ‘bytch switch’ comment went viral.





As public anger mounted, dos Santos tried to apologize. “I regret my choice of words which I realize were offensive,” said dos Santos. But that didn’t quite make things better.

But dos Santos’ comments do seem to reflect a corporate environment hostile to South African women’s career ambitions, studies show.

This week, OECD released a study that showed that South Africa has the highest number of skilled women leaving the country compared to the rest of the continent.

The study showed that 486,134 South African women left for the United States, Australia and and the United Kingdom between 2010 and 2013. The reason behind this is likely because women do not have access to senior positions, said Janine Hicks of the Commission for Gender Equality.

While South African women made up 48.6% of the South African workforce in the 2013/2014 financial year, their numbers dwindled in senior positions, according to a data journalism project by Code4SouthAfrica.

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This week Cell C’s top women executives came out in support of dos Santos, saying they have had the opportunity to “shine” under his leadership. Dos Santos’ comments may also hurt the social responsibility reputation the company built on its annual Take A Girl Child To Work day that gives schoolgirls a look inside corporate South Africa, and includes a bursary and mentorship program.

“I mentioned that in my experience, I have seen instances where women do not support each other to get to the top,” said dos Santos in his mea culpa. “This is not an environment that was created by women, but one that has been entrenched in the general workplace.”



Having a 'bytch switch' isn't getting South African women into top management
 

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Top African producer Burkina Faso bans genetically modified cotton, says US giant Monsanto variety 'poor quality'

24 APR 2016 16:45AFP

2100
Burkina Faso is the world's 10th largest cotton producer, with four of its 19 million people dependent on the "white gold"


BURKINA Faso, Africa’s top cotton producer and the sole West African nation to venture into biotech farming, is dropping genetically-modified (GM) cotton on quality grounds.

The world’s 10th largest cotton producer, with four of its 19 million people dependent on the “white gold”, Burkina Faso earlier this month said it was giving up Monsanto’s GM Bt cotton because it had proved uneconomical.

Burkina took up GM cotton in the 2000s in the hopes of bumping up returns on what was then its top export product, surpassed in 2009 by gold.

But the country’s association of cotton producers now say GM cotton, though producing higher yields, has caused a drop in crop quality.

“The cotton fibre we are producing today is short,” Burkina Faso’s new President Roch Marc Christian Kabore told French news AFP this month.

Fibre length is key in textiles with longer ones tending to produce stronger yarns because they allow fibres to twist around each other more times, also enabling higher spinning speeds.

But the shorter fibres now being produced from Burkina’s GM cotton “means that in market terms it’s an activity which is no longer very attractive for us,” the president said.

The government, he added, has taken steps “to underpin the sector ... and help producers.”

Those measures include tens of thousands of dollars worth of seed and fertiliser subsidies as well as price controls for producers to offset market falls.

100% natural
Burkina’s Inter-professional Cotton Association (AICB), grouping the country’s main producers and the national cotton farmers’ union, is now targeting “100 percent conventional” production, Wilfried Yameogo, director of Sofitex, Burkina Faso’s main cotton company, said earlier this month.

“It’s a battle won,” added Christian Legay of the national council of organic food processors, an umbrella organisation of consumer groups and farm workers which wants a five-to-10 year moratorium on transgenic cotton in Burkina Faso.

But qualms over GM products and “frankenfoods” played no role in the about-face.

With Burkinabe cotton once prized for its purity and length of fibre, it was the fall in quality that weighed in favour of a return to conventional cotton.

Producers say this resulted in the sector incurring losses between 2011 and 2016 of some 48.3 billion CFA francs ($82.4 million). They insist these must come back to them in the form of compensation.

Fuelled hopes
In the 2000s, the emergence of GM had fuelled hopes of greater production and also reduced the need for fertiliser.

This was a key issue in a region prone to drought and where cotton pests had grown resistant to eradication by pesticides.

Insecticide-resistant caterpillars—the ‘Helicoverpa armigera known as the cotton bollworm or Old World (African) bollworm—wreaked havoc on crops and producers’ livelihoods in 1991, 1996 and 2000.

GM crops were supposed to be a win-win solution—reducing the number of pesticide treatments as well as boosting yields by as much as 90%, boosting per hectare profits.

Celestin Dala, a producer in Nayala in the west of the country, said that “with GM cotton two treatments are required—six with conventional.”

In 2003, Burkina authorised experimental planting by US seed giant Monsanto and Swiss multinational Syngenta. Then in 2007, Burkina launched large scale production of transgenic cotton.

Critical from start
Two years later, the authorities ordered farmers to seed up to 80% of their crop with the GM variant, leading to a reduction in labour time and facilitating the backbreaking work involved.

Researchers, political and community leaders were critical of the move to launch GM crops from the outset.

“The principal of precaution was not respected,” says Jean-Didier Zongo, a genetician from the University of Ouagadougou, who accuses Monsanto of “criminal” acts. He alleges the firm provided insufficiently tested seed varieties.

“These allegations are false,” fired back Monsanto spokesman Billy Brennan.

He said Monsanto seeds have brought about “better yields, lower pesticide dosage and greater export volumes” to produce a “positive impact on 350,000 producer farms.”

President Kabore told French news agency AFP that Burkina Faso’s authorities are “pursuing talks with Monsanto”.

Though the country’s producers are demanding redress for the loss of income they say they can think again in the future.

“If in three, four or five years they (Monsanto) find a solution, there is no reason why we would not go back to towards GM”, said Yameogo of Sofitex. “What we have here is a tactical withdrawal—not a total rejection of GM.”

But organic activist Legay says Burkina Faso’s decision to step back from transgenic cotton is “a timely warning for other African countries”.

Top African producer Burkina Faso bans genetically modified cotton, says US giant Monsanto variety 'poor quality'
 
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Top African producer Burkina Faso bans genetically modified cotton, says US giant Monsanto variety 'poor quality'

24 APR 2016 16:45AFP

2100
Burkina Faso is the world's 10th largest cotton producer, with four of its 19 million people dependent on the "white gold"


BURKINA Faso, Africa’s top cotton producer and the sole West African nation to venture into biotech farming, is dropping genetically-modified (GM) cotton on quality grounds.

The world’s 10th largest cotton producer, with four of its 19 million people dependent on the “white gold”, Burkina Faso earlier this month said it was giving up Monsanto’s GM Bt cotton because it had proved uneconomical.

Burkina took up GM cotton in the 2000s in the hopes of bumping up returns on what was then its top export product, surpassed in 2009 by gold.

But the country’s association of cotton producers now say GM cotton, though producing higher yields, has caused a drop in crop quality.

“The cotton fibre we are producing today is short,” Burkina Faso’s new President Roch Marc Christian Kabore told French news AFP this month.

Fibre length is key in textiles with longer ones tending to produce stronger yarns because they allow fibres to twist around each other more times, also enabling higher spinning speeds.

But the shorter fibres now being produced from Burkina’s GM cotton “means that in market terms it’s an activity which is no longer very attractive for us,” the president said.

The government, he added, has taken steps “to underpin the sector ... and help producers.”

Those measures include tens of thousands of dollars worth of seed and fertiliser subsidies as well as price controls for producers to offset market falls.

100% natural
Burkina’s Inter-professional Cotton Association (AICB), grouping the country’s main producers and the national cotton farmers’ union, is now targeting “100 percent conventional” production, Wilfried Yameogo, director of Sofitex, Burkina Faso’s main cotton company, said earlier this month.

“It’s a battle won,” added Christian Legay of the national council of organic food processors, an umbrella organisation of consumer groups and farm workers which wants a five-to-10 year moratorium on transgenic cotton in Burkina Faso.

But qualms over GM products and “frankenfoods” played no role in the about-face.

With Burkinabe cotton once prized for its purity and length of fibre, it was the fall in quality that weighed in favour of a return to conventional cotton.

Producers say this resulted in the sector incurring losses between 2011 and 2016 of some 48.3 billion CFA francs ($82.4 million). They insist these must come back to them in the form of compensation.

Fuelled hopes
In the 2000s, the emergence of GM had fuelled hopes of greater production and also reduced the need for fertiliser.

This was a key issue in a region prone to drought and where cotton pests had grown resistant to eradication by pesticides.

Insecticide-resistant caterpillars—the ‘Helicoverpa armigera known as the cotton bollworm or Old World (African) bollworm—wreaked havoc on crops and producers’ livelihoods in 1991, 1996 and 2000.

GM crops were supposed to be a win-win solution—reducing the number of pesticide treatments as well as boosting yields by as much as 90%, boosting per hectare profits.

Celestin Dala, a producer in Nayala in the west of the country, said that “with GM cotton two treatments are required—six with conventional.”

In 2003, Burkina authorised experimental planting by US seed giant Monsanto and Swiss multinational Syngenta. Then in 2007, Burkina launched large scale production of transgenic cotton.

Critical from start
Two years later, the authorities ordered farmers to seed up to 80% of their crop with the GM variant, leading to a reduction in labour time and facilitating the backbreaking work involved.

Researchers, political and community leaders were critical of the move to launch GM crops from the outset.

“The principal of precaution was not respected,” says Jean-Didier Zongo, a genetician from the University of Ouagadougou, who accuses Monsanto of “criminal” acts. He alleges the firm provided insufficiently tested seed varieties.

“These allegations are false,” fired back Monsanto spokesman Billy Brennan.

He said Monsanto seeds have brought about “better yields, lower pesticide dosage and greater export volumes” to produce a “positive impact on 350,000 producer farms.”

President Kabore told French news agency AFP that Burkina Faso’s authorities are “pursuing talks with Monsanto”.

Though the country’s producers are demanding redress for the loss of income they say they can think again in the future.

“If in three, four or five years they (Monsanto) find a solution, there is no reason why we would not go back to towards GM”, said Yameogo of Sofitex. “What we have here is a tactical withdrawal—not a total rejection of GM.”

But organic activist Legay says Burkina Faso’s decision to step back from transgenic cotton is “a timely warning for other African countries”.

Top African producer Burkina Faso bans genetically modified cotton, says US giant Monsanto variety 'poor quality'

I said it before and i'll say it again. GM crops - in terms of yield and pest resistance - do not perform better than properly ran organic gardens. Not even gonna get into the cancer studies. 1 down, 350,000 to go :blessed:
 

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Uganda finally chooses Tanzania for oil pipeline route, leaves Kenya at the altar

23 APR 2016 20:10 | AGENCY

Tanzania and Kenya have for years courted Uganda for the billion-dollar pipe, but Magufuli goes home with bride after Nairobi offers only a dream.

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Uganda first discovered large quantities of crude oil on the shores of Lake Albert in 2006 before Kenya also struck its own.

LANDLOCKED Uganda on Saturday announced plans to export its future crude oil production via a new pipeline to be built to a Tanzanian port rather than via Kenya.

“We have agreed that the oil pipeline route be developed from Uganda in Hoima to the Tanzanian port of Tanga,” Uganda foreign affairs minister Sam Kutesa told French news agency AFP.

There was no immediate indication of the value of Saturday’s deal. However, Kutesa told AFP cost was a factor.

“We considered Tanga oil pipeline route based on a number of aspects—among them it is the least cost,” the Ugandan minister said as Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, Kenyan counterpart Uhuru Kenyatta and Rwanda’s Paul Kagame held a regional mini-summit outside Kampala.

The first large discoveries of oil in Uganda date back to 2006 on the shores of Lake Albert. Reserves in the area are conservatively estimated at some 1.7 billion barrels.

But informed sources say production will not come on stream before 2025.

Three oil companies—Total of France, Chinese giant CNOOC and Anglo-Irish firm Tullow—each won a one-third rights share in 2009, but the issue immediately arose of how to export the crude from a country with no coastline.

After years of talks discussing the relative merits of different routes out to the Indian Ocean, Uganda has chosen to run a 1,400-kilometre (800-mile) pipeline through Tanzania to the south of Lake Victoria through to the port of Tanga near the Kenyan border.

According to a Ugandan experts’ report dated April 11 and obtained by AFP, the Tanzanian project won the argument because the “Tanga port in Tanzania is fully operational while Lamu port in Kenya is still to be built”.

The experts also highlighted the fact that the port at Tanga is protected from winds by several offshore islands, which is not the case for Lamu, raising fears of navigational hazards for oil tankers near the future Kenyan port.

Cheaper but…
Kenya, where Tullow also found oil close to Lake Turkana in 2012, had proposed a pipeline from Uganda through impoverished northern Kenya to Lamu as part of an ambitious national development programme dubbed Vision 2030.

Estimates of the cost of the Lamu corridor transport and infrastructure project, known as LAPSSET, are around $20 billion (18 billion euros), incorporating new roads, railway lines, airports, cities and pipelines from oil fields in Uganda and South Sudan connected to a new Lamu refinery and port.

But the oil companies involved in Uganda preferred an alternative southern route through Kenya terminating at the existing major port of Mombasa.

Although cheaper at some $4.3 billion, Nairobi was concerned it would not deliver regional development in the neglected north.

Militant threat
There were also concerns for Uganda that parts of the Kenyan northern route would run near areas close to Somalia that might expose the pipeline to attacks by Al Qaeda-aligned Shabaab militants.

The deadlock between the two sparked the emergence of the Tanzanian option, throwing development of the Lamu project into question.

Nairobi indicated Saturday it would continue with LAPSSET and build a pipeline for its own crude.

None of the countries in the region, however, are likely to emerge as a major oil player compared with Africa’s top producer Nigeria, whose daily production of some 2.4 million barrels a day gives it a global rank of 13th.

Uganda finally chooses Tanzania for oil pipeline route, leaves Kenya at the altar
 

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Africa’s life expectancy jumps dramatically
Longevity gains provide upbeat counterpoint to gloom enveloping the continent

EM Squared
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by: Steve Johnson

Life expectancy in a swath of African countries since 2000 surged by between 20 and 42 per cent, providing an upbeat counterpoint to the gloom increasingly enveloping the continent.

The “Africa Rising” narrative has increasingly been called into question in the past year, with the International Monetary Fund predicting that economic growth across sub-Saharan Africa will slow to 3 per cent this year, the weakest pace of growth since 1999 and barely more than the population growth of 2.5 per cent.

This is likely to be the first year this millennium when Africa grows more slowly than the rest of the world, the IMF predicts.

With the respected Ibrahim Index of African Governance suggesting that standards of governance have declined since the global financial crisis, and the IMF having warned that too few countries used the boom years to improve their public finances, a picture emerges of a continent that has largely squandered its commodity-led windfall.

The recent slowdown has also led to the perception that the entire Africa rising phenomenon was driven more by the cyclical upswing in commodity prices than any longer-lasting structural improvements in African economies.

However, dramatic rises in life expectancy suggest many governments, aided by external donors such as the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, have been able to improve their health systems and the wellbeing of their populace.

Malawi has led the way, with life expectancy at birth rising 42 per cent from 44.1 years in 2000 to 62.7 in 2014, according to data from the World Bank.

Zambia and Zimbabwe have both seen rises of 38 per cent over the same period, with longevity in Rwanda, Botswana and Sierra Leone up more than 30 per cent.

Uganda, Ethiopia, the Republic of Congo, Niger and Kenya have all witnessed rises of more than 20 per cent. Overall, of the 37 countries to have seen life expectancy rise by more than 10 per cent since 2000, 30 are in sub-Saharan Africa, including the 15 with the biggest gains, as the table below shows.


Africa: Between hope and despair

Optimism surrounding the continent has evaporated with the collapse in commodity prices

Not one sub-Saharan country saw life expectancy fall between 2000 and 2014, with war-torn Syria the only state to suffer this fate.

Aside from Swaziland (where longevity rose only 0.4 per cent), the smallest improvement was the 2.5 per cent in South Africa, where life expectancy of 57.2 years now trails that found in dozens of poorer sub-Saharan states.

Africa, of course, had more scope to raise life expectancy, given most its countries were starting from a lower base than typically found elsewhere in the world.

However the figures are a marked contrast from the 1990s, when life expectancy fell sharply in countries such as Zimbabwe, Botswana, the Republic of Congo, Kenya, Namibia and the Central African Republic, and only edged up in many others.

The HIV/Aids epidemic was a major killer then, and efforts to prevent infection and prolong the lives of those infected have played a part in the subsequent rebound in longevity since 2000.

Yvonne Mhango, sub-Saharan economist at Renaissance Capital and a native of table-topper Malawi, says: “When I was growing up in the 1980s and 1990s, HIV/Aids killed a lot of the working-age population.

“It hasn’t been eradicated but the introduction of antiretroviral [drugs] that are affordable and accessible to low-income people has helped to lengthen their lives. They are able to work and look after their families. That has made a big difference.”

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Ms Mhango also points to wider availability of cheaper generic drugs, often sourced from low-cost countries such as India, and improvements in preventive medicine, such as measures to reduce the incidence of malaria.

John May, visiting scholar at the Population Reference Bureau in Washington DC, believes the key to improved longevity has been a “rapid decline” in infant and child mortality.

“We have seen a lot of programmes and interventions, such as impregnated bed nets [to combat malaria], immunisation campaigns and also a strong commitment on the part of Africa’s leadership to really push for a survival revolution,” he says.

Across sub-Saharan Africa, deaths before the age of 12 months per 1,000 live births have fallen from 138 in 1970 to 67 as of 2013, according to USAID, although that still compares badly with a developed world average of five deaths per 1,000 births.

Although Mr May is sceptical that the improvement has been quite so pronounced, citing concerns about the quality of data collection, he does nevertheless believe the improvement has been “dramatic”.

The introduction of antiretroviral [drugs] that are affordable and accessible to low-income people has helped to lengthen their lives. They are able to work and look after their families. That has made a big difference

Yvonne Mhango, sub-Saharan economist
William Jackson, senior emerging markets economist at Capital Economics, argues the impressive rises in life expectancy suggest Africa has managed to make a big stride forward since 2000, despite the current doom and gloom.

“From a macroeconomic perspective, the last decade has been pretty good, even if the Africa rising story is reversing,” he says.

“There have been significant rises in income across the region and more money for governments to spend on areas such as healthcare, as well as better medicine and better planning. Governance in Africa has improved quite significantly over the past decade.”

Charles Robertson, global chief economist at Renaissance Capital, cites a refocusing of international aid on areas such as education and healthcare for part of the gains.

Moreover, he argues the data give the lie to the argument that the commodity-based wealth that rolled into Africa during the good years was largely siphoned off by a cabal of well-connected locals and foreigners intent on “stripping Africa of its resources”.

With many of the easy gains made, it is logical to think that further improvements in life expectancy will slow from here.

Given the slowdown in economic growth as well, Mr Robertson fears the rate of improvement could even stall completely.

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Mr May says the “800-pound gorilla” is poorer African countries’ ability to continue to pay for HIV/Aids drugs, which sufferers are likely to need until the end of their lives, given that rising populations mean the number of those living with the disease could jump.

Mr Jackson is less downbeat, believing the dispersion of medical knowledge across the continent will yield further gains, although he too anticipates a tougher period ahead.

“We have spoken a lot about the Africa rising story in being a temporary story based on the commodity boom. If we are right then governments won’t have the same revenues to invest in healthcare in the coming years,” he says.

Ms Mhango is most upbeat of all, though, echoing Mr Jackson’s thoughts about the dispersion of knowledge. She cites the case of Malawi’s medical school, which in her youth was staffed mostly by foreign lecturers and professors.

Now, the country has a generation of locally-born doctors who are themselves starting to teach at the school, hopefully ensuring that the gains made in the past 15 years are maintained and extended further.

LIFE EXPECTANCY AT BIRTH
1990 2000 2014 Change since 2000 (%)
Malawi 43.8 44.1 62.7 42.2
Zambia 44.3 43.5 60 37.9
Zimbabwe 59.6 41.7 57.5 38
Rwanda 33.5 48.2 64 32.8
Botswana 62.6 48.7 64.4 32.2
Sierra Leone 37.4 38.7 50.9 31.5
Tanzania 50 50.5 64.9 28.5
Uganda 45.1 46.4 58.5 26.1
Ethiopia 47.1 51.9 64 23.3
Congo, Rep. 55 50.6 62.3 23.1
Niger 44 50.7 61.5 21.3
Kenya 58.8 50.8 61.6 21.3
Mali 46.5 48.9 58 18.6
Namibia 61.2 55.1 64.7 17.4
Congo, Dem. Rep. 49 50 58.7 17.4
Cambodia 53.5 58.4 68.2 16.8
Burkina Faso 49.4 50.3 58.6 16.5
Liberia 47.2 52.4 60.8 16
Angola 41.1 45.2 52.3 15.7
East Timor 48.5 59.3 68.3 15.2
Senegal 57.2 57.8 66.4 14.9
Guinea 49.9 51.2 58.7 14.6
Bhutan 52.5 60.7 69.5 15
Eritrea 48.2 56 63.7 13.8
Central African Republic 49 44.6 50.7 13.7
Nigeria 46.1 46.6 52.8 13.3
South Sudan 43.5 49.2 55.7 13.2
Mozambique 43.1 48.7 55 12.9
Bolivia 55.1 60.7 68.3 12.5
Laos 53.6 58.9 66.1 12.2
Nepal 54.2 62.3 69.6 11.7
Togo 55.8 53.5 59.7 11.6
Madagascar 51 58.5 65.1 11.3
Equatorial Guinea 48.2 52.1 57.6 10.6
Mongolia 60.3 62.9 69.5 10.5
Ivory Coast 52.6 46.7 51.6 10.5
Burundi 48 51.5 56.7 10.1
Source: World Bank

Africa’s life expectancy jumps dramatically - FT.com
 

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What Africa's most newly independent states did with 22 years of freedom: a mixed bag

26 APR 2016 16:42HENNING MELBER AND ENOCK C. MUDZAMIRI

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The extravagant independence monument in the Namibian capital, Windhoek. (Photo/Raymond June/Flickr).


SOUTH Africa is celebrating 22 years since its first democratic elections. To get a feel for its progress The Conversation Africa’s politics editor Thabo Leshilo asked academics to review how well Namibia and Zimbabwe, the other two most recently independent countries on the continent, had performed 22 years into their independence journey. Twenty years after independence first began to sweep across Africa Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980. Ten years later, in 1990, it was Namibia’s turn.

Zimbabwe
Enock C. Mudzamiri, PhD candidate in Politics, University of South Africa

After 22 years of freedom Zimbabwe was in the throes of a severe socio-economic and political crisis. The turbulent political environment had reduced it to a pariah state: human rights abuses and political intolerance led to condemnation of the ruling elite.

State of democracy: In the first and second decades after independence, ZANU-PF had effectively used co-option to neutralise the opposition. But the governing ZANU-PF began declining in popularity amid growing unrest and a failing economy.

As a result, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was formed in late 1999. It presented the greatest challenge to ZANU-PF hegemony. Being a national liberation movement, the incumbent viewed itself as the only legitimate representation of people’s aspirations. It viewed any form of opposition as betrayal to the aspirations of independence.

The regime resorted to repression and manipulation of the electoral process. It used its control of the bureaucratic and state security apparatus to good effect.

Given ZANU-PF’s disdain for opposition, the MDC’s formation and subsequent popularity heightened political tension in the country. Barely a year old, it won almost half of the parliamentary seats in the 2000 parliamentary elections. But two years later it lost a highly controversial presidential election.

Instead of viewing the emergence of a vibrant opposition political party as good for multi-party democracy, ZANU-PF unleashed violence against the MDC as it became increasingly desperate to cling to power.

Independence of the judiciary: This period was characterised by an acrimonious relationship between the executive and the judiciary.

Two issues were of primary concern: land, and petitions by the opposition over flawed elections. The Supreme Court had earlier ruled against compulsory land acquisitions and human rights abusesperpetrated by the state.

But the judiciary came under assault. The executive systematically replaced judges whose rulings opposed its policy positions.

The economy: By the end of 2002 Zimbabwe was in economic meltdown. It battled a complicated combination of domestic and external debt, crippling foreign exchange shortages, cronyism and corruption, and escalating inflation. Access to land was a particularly pertinent issue.

Subsequently, President Robert Mugabe pursued an aggressive programme of confiscating white-owned farms. More than half of the country’s white farmers were forced to relinquish their property. The confiscated land was often claimed by politically connected individuals with little or no farming experience, and redistributed for the political expediency of ZANU-PF. Decline in GDP per capita was an accumulative 23%, with an annual rate of inflation of 112%.

By the end of 2002 it was estimated that 200,000 jobs had been lost since 2000, mostly in agriculture and manufacturing, investment had shrunk by 80% between January and May 2002 and that over 60% of the country’s 12.5 million people were living below the poverty line.

Overnight, Zimbabwe was transformed from being a bread-basket to a basket case. By mid 2003 the IMF had suspended its technical assistance.

The general deterioration of the economy also led to high unemployment and escalating prices for basic commodities.

Delivery on basic services: Social programmes, particularly in health and education, suffered because of the state’s weak fiscal position. Electricity, fuel and food shortages, a brain drain, a breakdown of social services and disease were rife. At the time the HIV infection rate was the third highest in Africa. Zimbabwe continues on a downward spiral despite assertions to the contrary.

Namibia
Henning Melber, Extraordinary Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of Pretoria

Namibia’s independence was a negotiated, controlled process. After 22 years, the country’s harvest of the fruits of independence remained mixed.

State of democracy: The governing SWAPO of Namibia translated the slogan from the “struggle days” that “SWAPO is the nation and the nation is SWAPO” into an ever-increasing political dominance.

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Namibia independence celebrations at Windhoek Stadium in 2003. (Photo/Henning Melber)

It started off with an absolute majority in the United Nations supervised elections for a Constituent Assembly prior to independence. It obtained a two-thirds majority in the first elections afterwards. It subsequently expanded this into three-quarters of the votes. Namibia meets all criteria of a multi-party democracy, but at 22 it was a de facto one-party state.

The political opposition remains scattered and is more occupied with internal rivalries. Alternatives to SWAPO are hardly visible. Between 2000 and 2010 and between 2010 to 2015 two breakaway parties managed to emerge as the official opposition. But they never snatched votes from the SWAPO base and later collapsed.

Independence of the judiciacy: Namibia has benefited from an independent judiciary, which at times has also reigned in the dominant party. But delivery of justice is often painfully slow and lacks efficiency. A high treason trial against more than 140 accused, originally arrested in late 1999, only ended in 2015. Many of the accused awaited trial in jail for up to 16 years. Finally, only a quarter were convicted. Notwithstanding this scandal, Namibia maintains a rule of law, which to a large extent has not been abused as the law of the rulers.

The economy: In terms of annual per capita figures, Namibia ranks as a higher middle-income country. Its GDP benefits from resource extraction in mining and fisheries. But the rent seeking nature of local capitalism has hardly changed the fundamental structures of the colonial economy.

A new elite has used “affirmative action” for self-enrichment, while the majority of the population remains excluded from the benefits of the relative wealth. Gains from natural resources end up in the accounts of foreign companies and some perks for a local elite, which is no longer exclusively white. The country’s economy operates on borrowed time and has not yet created meaningful investments into the future.

The discrepancy in Namibia’s ranking in terms of average per capita income and its poverty adjusted Human Development Index is the second highest in the world (after Iran).

Delivery on basic services: The government has made some measurable and visible progress. For example, there is wider access to clean water, electricity and roads. There has also been heavy investment in education but this has been highly inefficient. In addition, public utilities and services require payment, which is often unaffordable to the majority of Namibians who live at the margins of society.

Material aspects of freedom – such as freedom from poverty and right to proper shelter – remain below original expectations. At independence national sovereignty was associated with a better life, if not for all, then at least for most. Namibians enjoy a high degree of individual civil rights and freedoms, including free media. But they lack meaningful political alternatives to the former liberation movement.

The fruits of independence remain more on the side of relative liberties in terms of civil rights without adequate freedom from want in economic terms. Namibia at 22 – and since then – can best be characterised as a society based on a pragmatic pact to the benefit of an old and a new elite. It is a case documenting the limits to liberation.

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- Henning Melber is Extraordinary Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of Pretoria andEnock C. Mudzamiri, DLitt et DPhil Student in Politics, University of South Africa

•This article was originally published on The Conversation.

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Benin's Porto Novo: an African city taking action against climate change

26 APR 2016 18:24LORENA PASQUINI

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People in Porto Novo, Benin, use the water to make a living. Flooding from global warming will greatly affect people’s lives. (Photo/Anton Ivanov/Shutterstock).


TAKING action against climate change is hugely important in the developing countries. This is particularly true for African countries, where the impacts of climate change will hit harder. It is also wheredevelopment challenges and poverty alleviation needs are most severe.

The lack of funding and capacity for climate change mitigation is a sore point for cities everywhere. But despite these barriers, cities globally – including in Africa – are taking action as best they can to prepare for the effects of climate change.

A tale of three cities
Porto Novo in Benin, Rouen in France and Da Nang in Vietnam are three examples of cities that are particularly vulnerable to climate change. All three are particularly prone to flooding. This is not surprising in coastal cities such as Porto Novo and Da Nang, or in cities located on the banks of a major river like Rouen.

All of the infrastructure that is clustered around the banks of the river Seine, in Rouen, can’t, realistically, be removed. The best many cities can do with their existing at-risk infrastructure is try to protect it in some way. One of the best opportunities for preparing for the effects of climate change comes from new urbanisation and development plans.

Rouen has taken this approach with its new, mixed-use eco-district Luciline – Rives de Seine – which is being built on an industrial wasteland. Rouen has integrated climate change adaptation into the project by creating specific infrastructure requirements in order to protect the area against floods, both from the river Seine as well as those caused by extreme rains.

Ground floor levels must be built above the level of the Seine. Green roofs will trap rainwater and water ditches. All developers have to commit themselves to the specifications laid down by the city if they want to invest in the new neighbourhood.

Vietnam’s Da Nang is revising the city’s 2030 master plan. It plans to widen the flood plains and allow more land for green areas and lakes.

Da Nang also adopted an innovative approach to retro-fitting existing buildings that are heavily affected by typhoons. The city has a fund in place to provide loans to people in vulnerable areas who generally are those with least resources for strengthening their houses against typhoons, repayable after three years.

How Porto Novo stands out
In Porto Novo, the capital of the West African nation of Benin, the creation of appropriate urbanisation and development plans that take climate change into account is key to protecting the city.

Where Porto Novo stands out is in the opportunity it has to develop a city-wide response to adaptation – as expressed by the initiative’s name, “Porto Novo, Green City”.

With 310,000 inhabitants as of 2013, Porto Novo’s rapid geographic spread is at odds with its low growth in terms of demographics and the economy. In its peri-urban areas, the majority of the population lives in poorly structured, informal settlements and is encroaching upon flood-prone wetlands and marshy areas.

The city is geographically large but under-developed. Only a small proportion of its area is built-up. This gives the city a chance to develop in a far more climate-compatible way than many other cities whose early urbanisation patterns have not been informed by climate change.

Green City Initiative
The Green City initiative, which started in 2014 with global funding, aims to result in an urban development plan that is based on sustainable development principles. It plans to roll out development solutions on the ground that employ simple techniques, allowing the local population’s social and economic practices to be adapted to the city’s environmental challenges.

There are three development plans which the city hopes can tackle climate change. The first is to implement a promenade between land and water for the protection and development of its wetlands. To maximise the value from peri-urban agriculture backed by a multi-stakeholder platform and by a study on agricultural land in the wetlands. Finally, to generate value from plastic waste.

The Green City initiative aims to demonstrate that the sustainable development of the natural resources of a city can prove to be a valuable resource and a key driver of economic development and job creation, and to showcase lessons learnt so that the initiative’s tools and methods can be replicated elsewhere.

It is not known, yet, whether Porto Novo will live up to its promise and provide answers on how to in develop “green” cities. These are answers that will become increasingly crucial as urbanisation keeps expanding while the climate keeps changing.

-The author is Research Coordinator, Lecturer and Senior Researcher, African Climate & Development Initiative , University of Cape Town

•This article was originally published on The Conversation.

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