RUSSIA 🇷🇺 Thread: Wikileaks=FSB front, UKRAINE?, SNOWED LIED; NATO Aggression; Trump = Putins B!tch

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Putin has talked warmly about what he calls “spiritual security“—which means keeping versions of Christianity other than Russian Orthodoxy out of the country—even stating that Russia’s “spiritual shield” is as important to her security as its nuclear shield. His inspiration for this comes from Orthodox thinkers, above all Ivan Ilyin, who hated the West with vigor and passion. This anti-Western worldview seems strange and even incomprehensible to most Americans, its reference points are utterly foreign to us, yet is grounded in centuries of Russian history and spiritual experience.

In this viewpoint, which I have termed Orthodox Jihadism, the West is an implacable foe of Holy Russia with whom there can be no lasting peace. For centuries—whether led by the Catholic Church, Napoleon, Hitler or the United States—the West has tried to subjugate Russia and thereby crush Orthodoxy, the one true faith. This is the Third Rome myth, which became very popular in 19th century Imperial Russia, postulating that it is Russia’s holy mission to resist the Devil and his work on earth.

Putin has reinvigorated such throwback thinking, making the Russian Orthodox Church—the de facto state religion—the ideological centerpiece of his regime. After Communism fell, the country needed a new ideological anchor, and Putinism found it in a potent amalgam of religion and nationalism which has far greater historical resonance with Russians than Communism ever did.

Western skeptics invariably note that Putin’s can’t really be an Orthodox believer and, besides, most Russians don’t bother to attend church regularly anyway. I have no idea what Putin actually believes—unlike Dubya I can’t see into his soul—but he certainly knows how to look like a real Orthodox, while the fact that regular church attendance in Russia isn’t particularly high doesn’t change that three-quarters of Russians claim to be Orthodox. The political reality is that Putinism has successfully convinced most Russians to go along with the official ideology, at least tacitly.

To get a flavor of what Putinism’s worldview looks like, simply listen to what Moscow says. It’s easy to find fire-breathing clerics castigating the West and its pushing of feminism and gay rights, which they openly term Satanic. The Russian “think tank” (in reality it’s just a website) Katehon is a Kremlin-approved outlet which offers heavy doses of geopolitics suffused with militant Orthodox nationalism. Significantly, its name comes from the Greek term for “he who resists the Antichrist”—and Katehon makes perfectly clear that the decadent, post-modern West is what they mean.

Then there’s Tsargrad TV, which is Russia’s version of Fox News, if Fox News were run by hardline Russian Orthodox believers. It’s the project of Konstantin Malofeev, a Kremlin-connected hedge funder-turned-religious crusader who wanted to give the country a news outlet that reflected traditional values. Its name is the traditional Slavic term for Constantinople—the Second Rome in Russian Orthodox formulation. A few months back, when Putin visited Mount Athos in Greece, one of Orthodox’s holiest sites, accompanied by Patriarch Kirill, the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, Tsargrad TV gave it wall-to-wall live coverage.

The anti-Western animus of this ideology would be difficult to overstate. There are rational-sounding complaints—for instance, Russian harping on NATO expansion up to their borders—but much of it boils down to depictions of the post-modern West as Satan’s project designed to subvert traditional religion and family life. These complaints sound a lot like what hardline Muslims say about the West. Just like Islamists, Kremlin ideologists claim that, since the West is spiritually attacking Russia and Orthodoxy with feminist and LGBT propaganda, all of Moscow’s responses—including aggressive military moves—are therefore defensive.

To be fair to Putin and his ilk, we’ve been doing a good job of making their anti-Western polemics seem plausible. Under President Obama, the State Department really has pushed feminism and LGBT rights hard—including in Russia. Washington’s official effort to coerce small, impoverished countries like Macedoniainto accepting our post-modern views of sexuality has raised Russian ire, not least because Macedonia is a majority-Orthodox country.

The bottom line is that Putin’s Russia is driven by a state-approved ideology which hates the post-modern West and considers us a permanent existential threat. President Obama’s insistence that we can’t be in a new Cold War with Russia because there’s no ideological component to the struggle is completely and utterly wrong. The Kremlin sees that spiritual-cum-ideological struggle clearly, and says so openly. Indeed, Putin explained it concisely, in public, before he seized Crimea, but nobody in Western capitals took him seriously:

Another serious challenge to Russia’s identity is linked to events taking place in the world. Here there are both foreign policy and moral aspects. We can see how many of the Euro-Atlantic countries are actually rejecting their roots, including the Christian values that constitute the basis of Western civilization. They are denying moral principles and all traditional identities: national, cultural, religious and even sexual. They are implementing policies that equate large families with same-sex partnerships, belief in God with the belief in Satan.

The excesses of political correctness have reached the point where people are seriously talking about registering political parties whose aim is to promote pedophilia. People in many European countries are embarrassed or afraid to talk about their religious affiliations. Holidays are abolished or even called something different; their essence is hidden away, as is their moral foundation. And people are aggressively trying to export this model all over the world. I am convinced that this opens a direct path to degradation and primitivism, resulting in a profound demographic and moral crisis.

The coming of Donald Trump to Washington, with his affection for Russia and its leader, gives some cause for optimism that things might improve between us and Moscow. There’s no doubt that the Kremlin thinks of Trump as a man with whom they can do business. However, the deep-seated conflict between Putinism and the post-modern West will remain. If Trump decides to get the State Department out of the business of exporting our sexual mores to countries where they’re not wanted, that might cool things down with Moscow somewhat. However, the hard-wired strategic rivalry between the West and Russia will remain, no matter what pleasantries get exchanged between our leaders.

It would be wise to counter Russian adventurism before it causes a major, perhaps nuclear war. Deterrence works, when applied properly. It would be even wiser to stop ignoring what Moscow says about its worldview—they probably mean it. Above all, stop provoking the Russians needlessly. This week, Senator John McCain rehashed his line that “Russia is a gas station run by the mafia masquerading as a country,” omitting that it’s a country with several thousand nuclear weapons. For this reason, Russian remains an existential threat to the United States in a manner that jihadists simply are not, no matter what Islam-alarmists say. A first step to dealing wisely with Putin would be actually understanding what makes his regime tick.
 

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Told. You. :mjpls:




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Finger Pointed at Russians in Alleged Coup Plot in Montenegro
By ANDREW HIGGINSNOV. 26, 2016
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Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic of Montenegro last month. He said his government had foiled a coup attempt orchestrated by Russians. Darko Vojinovic/Associated Press
PODGORICA, Montenegro — After multiple but unproven accusations that President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia is working hard to destabilize America’s friends in Europe, a pro-Russian mercenary detained in Montenegro is slowly spilling his guts — and providing the first insider’s account of what the authorities in this tiny Balkan nation say were Russian efforts to sow mayhem.

The man, Aleksandar Sindjelic, a veteran anti-Western activist from neighboring Serbia, has become a key informant — and a suspect — in a sprawling investigation into an alleged plot orchestrated by two Russians to seize Montenegro’s Parliament building last month, kill the prime minister and install a new government hostile to NATO.

Mr. Sindjelic’s account of the events includes a visit to Moscow in September to plan the operation and details of the encrypted phones he was asked to use to avoid eavesdropping. He has not directly implicated any Russian officials but has raised questions about the links between state agencies and a murky network of Russian nationalists active in the Balkans and in eastern Ukraine.

The Montenegrin authorities say two Russians carrying passports in the names of Eduard V. Shirikov and Vladimir N. Popov commanded the botched plot. But both men, who oversaw preparations for the operation from Belgrade, the capital of Serbia, are back in Moscow, and it is unclear whether they were traveling under real or fake identities and for whom exactly they were working.

The Montenegrin news media has reported that they are agents of Russia’s military intelligence service, known as the G.R.U. People close to the investigation said that they were Russian intelligence officers but that their precise affiliation was unclear.

The prosecutor’s office, in a statement this month, said the Russian pair had orchestrated plans in Montenegro, Serbia and Russia to carry out an “undetermined number of criminal acts of terrorism and the murder of highest-ranking representatives of Montenegro.”

In public, Montenegrin officials have avoided accusing the Russian state directly of directing the actions of Mr. Popov and Mr. Shirikov.

“Obviously, there are people with more power who are behind them,” Montenegro’s minister of justice, Zoran Pazin, said this month in an interview in Podgorica, the capital. “Is it the Russian state or Russian nationalist groups? We don’t know yet.”

After the early-1990s breakup of Yugoslavia, of which Serbia and Montenegro were parts, the Balkan region has been a zone of dark and often lethal intrigue.

To Moscow’s dismay, Serbia and Montenegro, both traditionally close to Russia, have increasingly tilted toward the West, applying to join the European Union and, in Montenegro’s case, even NATO.

With a few thousand soldiers, a handful of tanks and only 600,000 residents, Montenegro — whose application to join NATO was accepted in May and now awaits ratification — is hardly a military powerhouse. But it controls the only stretch of coastline where warships can dock between Gibraltar and eastern Turkey not already in the hands of the alliance.

“There is a big struggle going on,” said Ranko Krivokapic, an opposition leader who has lobbied for years for Montenegro to join NATO. “We are the last piece of the Mediterranean that is not already in NATO, the last piece in a big puzzle.”

Russia has campaigned furiously to keep Montenegro out of the alliance, supporting pro-Moscow political groups in the country and Orthodox priests who view NATO as a threat to Slavic fraternity and faith.

“NATO is an occupying force, and I am absolutely against it,” said Momcilo Krivokapic, an Orthodox priest and an estranged relative of the pro-NATO politician. His church in Kotor, an ancient fortress town, is just a few yards from Kotor Bay, a deepwater haven long coveted by both Russia and the West for its strategic location.

In early October, Father Krivokapic presided over a ceremony in Kotor for the foundation of the Balkan Cossack Army, a Russian-led grouping of Pan-Slavic nationalists bitterly hostile to NATO. The priest described the gathering as “just folklore,” featuring men in fur hats and imperial-era costumes.

Yet it was also attended by members of the Night Wolves, a Russian motorcycle gang whose leader is a friend of Mr. Putin’s, and mercenaries who have fought in eastern Ukraine on the side of Russian-backed separatists.

The anti-NATO clamor has succeeded in weakening already lukewarm public support for the alliance, which even some pro-Western voices view as a needless provocation of Russia and a ploy by Milo Djukanovic, Montenegro’s longtime and notoriously devious leader, to cement his power with help from the United States.

So when Mr. Djukanovic announced that his government was the target of a Russian-backed plot in October, opposition politicians — both pro- and anti-NATO — as well as much of the news media and many independent observers dismissed the claim as a fairy tale.

Mr. Djukanovic and his officials initially provided no evidence to support their allegation of a foiled coup attempt on Oct. 16, the day of national elections. They said only that 20 Serbs — some of whom turned out to be elderly and in ill health — had been detained just hours before they were to launch the alleged putsch. Nonetheless, Mr. Djukanovic insisted it “is more than obvious” that unnamed “Russian structures” were working with pro-Moscow politicians to derail the country’s efforts to join NATO.

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Serbia’s prime minister, Aleksandar Vucic of Serbia, last month. He announced the arrests of Serbs, including an informant, in the case. Darko Vojinovic/Associated Press
Since then, however, Mr. Sindjelic, has begun talking. He was held for three weeks in the Spuz Correctional Facility, a red brick detention center north of Podgorica, and then released this past week as a “protected witness.” . He has told investigators about his visit to Moscow, about sophisticated encrypted telephones and about the more than $200,000 he says he was given as a down payment for his role as a recruiter of muscle for the operation, people close to the investigation said.

Also talking is another central figure in the alleged plot, a former Serbian gendarmerie commander named Bratislav Dikic. He initially denied any involvement after his arrest on Oct. 16 shortly before polling began in an election that the pro-Russian opposition politicians had hoped to win. The results were inconclusive.

Both Mr. Sindjelic, a former convict who fought for a time with Russian-backed rebels in eastern Ukraine, and Mr. Dikic have long ties with Serbian nationalist groups and militant supporters of Slavic solidarity, a cause that many Russian nationalists also embrace and that has murky links to Serbian and Russian secret services.

Russia’s Foreign Ministry, which warned of unspecified “negative consequences” when Montenegro announced it wanted to join NATO, has strongly denied any Russian role in fomenting trouble. Accusing Mr. Djukanovic of fanning anti-Russian hysteria, Moscow has called for a referendum on NATO membership, a vote that opinion polls indicate could easily reject the alliance.

Milivoje Katnic, the Montenegrin prosecutor handling the coup case, told reporters in early November that there was no solid proof yet that the Russian state had been involved. He blamed “Russian nationalists” who wanted “to stop Montenegro on its Euro-Atlantic path, especially to prevent its accession to NATO.”

But Russian nationalist groups in Moscow say they had no knowledge of any men named Popov and Shirikov.

The official version of what happened in October still contains many holes, including the failure by the authorities in Montenegro to produce any of the weapons they say were to be used in an Election Day attack on Parliament in Podgorica by conspirators disguised as police officers.

The release of the prime suspect, Mr. Sindjelic, also raised eyebrows. The main pro-Russian opposition party, the Democratic Front, denounced it as proof that “all the masks have finally dropped in that cheap, staged and performed vaudeville ‘coup’”

Probably the only people who know the full story of what was planned and by whom exactly are the two Russians, Mr. Popov and Mr. Shirikov. But they have vanished. They had been in Belgrade but were allowed to return to Moscow after a visit to the Serbian capital late last month by Nikolai Patrushev, the head of Mr. Putin’s security council and a former head of Russia’s F.S.B. security service.

Moscow has insisted that Mr. Patrushev’s visit had been planned long before news of the Montenegro plot broke, but it was announced only shortly before his arrival. This prompted speculation in the Serbian and Russian news media that he had rushed to Belgrade to try to contain the fallout from the unraveling of the plan.

Serbia’s prime minister, Aleksandar Vucic, who has struggled to balance strong pro-Russian sentiment in his country with his own policy of shifting cautiously toward the West, was outraged to hear that Russian citizens and Serbian nationalists had been working together under his nose in Belgrade to stage a coup in Montenegro.

He swiftly announced a shake-up of Serbia’s intelligence services, many of whose members have traditionally leaned toward Russia and view the West as an enemy, a feeling that intensified with NATO’s 1999 bombing campaign.

There has also been a small shake-up in Moscow with Mr. Putin’s abrupt and unexplained dismissal of Leonid Reshetnikov, a former Soviet intelligence officer, as head of the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies, a research group that works for the Kremlin. The institute had been in the forefront of Russian efforts to derail Montenegro’s NATO membership and has extensive links to pro-Russian groups in the Balkans.

After initially dismissing Montenegro’s claim of a coup plot, Mr. Vucic, Serbia’s prime minister, announced that there was “incontrovertible evidence” that “certain people” had placed Mr. Djukanovic, Montenegro’s leader, under close surveillance using “the most modern equipment” and were reporting to co-conspirators who “were supposed to act in accordance with their instructions.”

Several people “who were acting in coordination with foreigners” had been arrested in Serbia, he said.

Among those arrested was Mr. Sindjelic, who was swiftly transferred to the Spuz detention center in Montenegro.

Adding to a fog of fearful foreboding, the Serbian authorities then announced they had uncovered a cache of arms near Mr. Vucic’s family home in Belgrade, a stash that Serbian news media outlets said had been put there in preparation for an assassination attempt against the Serbian leader, too.

Mr. Sindjelic has told investigators that he is uncertain about the exact affiliations of Mr. Popov and Mr. Shirikov. He said only that when he visited Moscow in September to discuss the Montenegro plot, he was hosted in a luxury apartment and was warned that he was dealing with dangerous people and should take care not to step out of line.

But there are now so many Russians who have a stake in Montenegro’s future — including tens of thousands who vacation each year on its glorious coast, anti-Kremlin figures who have sought refuge in its proximity to the West, shady investors looking for a place to stash their money, and a murky cast of intelligence operatives and nationalists who want to keep NATO out — the country, too, has to tread carefully.

Montenegro, said Ljubomir Filipovic, a former deputy mayor of Budva, a coastal town that is particularly popular with Russians, “is the new Casablanca.”
 
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