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FBI brass discussed possibility Trump fired Comey 'at the behest of' Russia

politico.com
FBI brass discussed possibility Trump fired Comey 'at the behest of' Russia
By KYLE CHENEY
7-8 minutes
90

Under questioning in 2018 from a Democratic committee lawyer, James Baker described numerous officials who were distressed that the president may have obstructed justice when he fired FBI Director James Comey. | Alex Wong/Getty Images

James Baker, the former top lawyer of the FBI, said senior bureau officials — including at least one deemed to be free of anti-Trump bias — discussed the possibility in May 2017 that President Donald Trump had fired FBI Director James Comey “at the behest of” the Russian government.

In testimony to two Republican-led committees last October, Baker described mounting concerns that crystallized in the frantic days after the FBI director’s ouster, days that were punctuated by Trump’s on-air declaration that he fired Comey because of the Russia probe and his chummy Oval Office meeting with senior Russian officials, at which he reportedly trashed Comey as a “nut job.”


Baker described a discussion in those turbulent days that he had with Andrew McCabe — who became acting FBI director after Comey’s departure — and the bureau’s top counterintelligence official Bill Priestap, as well as top national security official Carl Ghattas. He also said it was possible that bureau attorney Lisa Page and counterintelligence agent Peter Strzok — whose anti-Trump text messages have drawn attention from Trump and Republicans — attended the meeting as well.

“So there was — there was a discussion between those folks, possibly all of the folks that you’ve identified, about whether or not President Trump had been ordered to fire Jim Comey by the Russian government?” asked Rep. John Ratcliffe (R-Texas), one of the committee members interviewing Baker.

“I wouldn’t say ordered. I guess I would say ... acting at the behest of and somehow following directions, somehow executing their will,” he said. “[A]nd so literally an order or not, I don’t know.”


His comments, some of which have been revealed in news reports in recent months, were included in a 152-page transcript of Baker’s testimony to the House Oversight and Judiciary committees in October 2018, when Republicans led an investigation into the handling of the FBI’s Russia probe. The transcript was released Tuesday and Wednesday by the panel’s top Republican, Rep. Doug Collins (R-Ga.), who has been incrementally entering testimony from last year’s investigation into the congressional record.

Though Republicans have questioned whether senior FBI officials were collectively biased against Trump — especially McCabe, Strzok and Page — investigators probing questions about bias have noted that there’s “no evidence” of bias on Priestap’s part. McCabe, Strzok and Page have also denied that their personal views of Trump affected their decisions at the FBI. In the past year, McCabe and Strzok were both fired amid the scrutiny, and Page left the bureau as well. Priestap left the FBI at the end of 2018.

Baker’s comments are also newly relevant as Attorney General William Barr prepares to release a redacted version of special counsel Robert Mueller’s report on links between Russian and Trump’s 2016 campaign.

Mueller examined whether Trump attempted to obstruct the probe, and Baker’s testimony provides a window into the FBI’s view of that question in the immediate days following Comey’s firing. Mueller, according to a limited excerpt revealed by Barr, declined to reach a “traditional prosecutorial judgment” on whether Trump obstructed justice, but Mueller’s analysis has not been revealed.

Baker said the discussion among the top officials was meant to discuss the range of possibilities behind Trump’s firing of Comey. Acting at Russia’s urging “was one extreme,” he said.

“The other extreme is that the president is completely innocent, and we discussed that too,” Baked noted. “And so — and then you have things in the middle. And so —— so that was how it came up. There’s a range of things this could possibly be. We need to investigate, because we don’t know whether, you know, the worst-case scenario is possibly true or the president is totally innocent and we need to get this thing over with — and so he can move forward with his agenda.”

Baker’s description of this “hypothetical” concern about Trump acting at Russia’s behest also indicated to lawmakers that there were widespread concerns inside the FBI that Trump had attempted to obstruct the bureau’s investigation into his campaign’s links to Russians, according to a newly released transcript of Baker’s testimony.


Under questioning in 2018 by a Democratic committee lawyer, Baker described numerous officials who were distressed that the president might have obstructed justice when he fired Comey in May 2017. Baker said he had personal concerns and that they were shared by not just top FBI brass but within other divisions and at the Justice Department as well.

“The leadership of the FBI, so the acting director ... the heads of the national security apparatus, the national security folks within the FBI, the people that were aware of the underlying investigation and who had been focused on it,” Baker said, running through a list of officials he said were worried that the president might have fired Comey to hinder the Russia investigation.

Baker said other FBI executives informed him that Justice Department officials raised concerns about obstruction by Trump as well.

Mueller inherited the FBI’s Russia investigation and the obstruction probe that began after Comey’s firing. In a four-page memo, Barr indicated that Mueller reached no traditional conclusion on the obstruction probe, prompting an outcry from congressional Democrats who demanded more details.

Barr said Tuesday he intends to release a redacted version of Mueller’s findings within a week.

In the transcript of his testimony, Baker added that he was briefed on conversations between former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe — who assumed leadership of the bureau after Comey’s firing — and Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein about whether Rosenstein could wear a wire to gather evidence in an obstruction probe. Though officials close to Rosenstein have called his suggestion a joke, Baker told lawmakers that he had a far different impression.

“This was not a joking sort of time. This was pretty dark,” Baker said.
 
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$7 Million Trump Building Condo Tied to Scandal-Scarred Foreign Leader




$7 Million Trump Building Condo Tied to Scandal-Scarred Foreign Leader
7-8 minutes


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Trump International Hotel & Tower New York, a mix of luxury condominiums and hotel suites that go for more than $2,500 a night.CreditCreditEmon Hassan for The New York Times
The Trump International Hotel and Tower in Manhattan, near the southwest corner of Central Park, is a 44-story building with a mix of luxury condominiums and hotel suites that go for more than $2,500 a night.

Unit 32G, a two-bedroom, 1,767-square-foot apartment with sweeping views of the park, is owned by an entity called Ecree, which bought the condo in 2014 for $7 million in cash.

Documents unearthed by the nonprofit group Global Witness show that the purchase was funded by the daughter of the Republic of Congo’s president, a longtime target of anti-corruption investigators. The funds for the all-cash purchase appear to have been siphoned from that country’s government, according to a report by Global Witness.

The purchase took place more than two years before Donald J. Trump became president. Owners of units in the building — 1 Central Park West — pay tens of thousands of dollars a year in condo fees to Mr. Trump’s company, the Trump Organization.

A spokeswoman for the Trump Organization, Kimberly Benza, said that Unit 32G had not recently been owned by the Trump Organization and that whoever bought it in 2014 purchased it from an unrelated party. She said the condo fees were for building-maintenance purposes “and are not fees paid to Trump for profit.”


There is no indication that Mr. Trump or his company broke the law.
Less than two years after the condo sale, federal regulators started requiring greater disclosures of purchases of certain high-end New York properties.


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The Republic of the Congo’s president, Denis Sassou Nguesso, and his wife, Antoinette, in Paris last year.CreditBenoit Tessier/Reuters
Mr. Trump’s properties, which he and his family continue to operate, have a long history of serving as home to people with checkered pasts. David Bogatin, a Russian mobster, and Jean-Claude Duvalier, the Haitian dictator known as Baby Doc, both owned units in Trump Tower, the president’s flagship property on Manhattan’s Fifth Avenue. Felix Sater, a felon and former business associate of Mr. Trump’s, formerly had his office in that tower.

Denis Sassou-Nguesso, the president of the Republic of Congo, is one of the world’s longest-sitting heads of state, having been in office for the past 22 years. For roughly a decade, he and his family have been the subject of corruption investigations in France. Authorities there have identified more than 60 million euros of luxury goods and real estate that the Sassou-Nguesso family owns in France. The country was a French colony until 1960.

The Global Witness report alleges that a Cyprus company belonging to the president’s daughter, Claudia Sassou-Nguesso, bankrolled the purchase of the Trump apartment in July 2014. (The Portuguese newspaper Expresso has previously reported on aspects of the purchase and its connection to the daughter of the president of the Republic of Congo.)

A spokesman for President Sassou-Nguesso and a representative at the Republic of Congo’s embassy in Washington did not respond to requests for comment.

Global Witness — which is funded in part by the billionaire George Soros’s foundation — followed a money trail that began with a Brazilian company receiving a series of lucrative public contracts from the Republic of Congo’s government. Money from one of those contracts wound up in the bank account of a company in Cyprus, according to the report. Ownership of the company was transferred to Ms. Sassou-Nguesso in July 2013.

In January 2014, the Cyprus company received nearly $20 million, apparently in Republic of Congo taxpayer fund
s, through a contract with the country’s government, according to a Portuguese police report reviewed by Global Witness. Six months later, the Cyprus company paid for Unit 32G in the Trump building on Columbus Circle.

A 2006 real estate listing for the corner apartment shows floor-to-ceiling windows with northern and western views, a bathroom with pink marble walls and golden fixtures and “capacious closets.” The building is outfitted with a spa, swimming pool and 24-hour food service.


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Claudia Sassou-Nguesso, the daughter of the president of the Republic of Congo, in 2012.CreditGuy Gervais Kitina/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Letters cited by Global Witness and reviewed by The New York Times show that a Portuguese businessman, José Veiga, wrote reference letters on behalf of the president’s granddaughter to the condo association ahead of the sale. He called her “one of my best friends” and said she would be a “valued addition” to the Trump property.

It is unclear what sort of background check, if any, the Trump Organization did on the purchase financed by Ms. Sassou-Nguesso.

A lawyer for Mr. Veiga, who Portuguese authorities have arrested on suspicion of money laundering, declined to comment.

According to New York real estate records, the entity used to make the purchase, Ecree, used a Manhattan address at the law firm K&L Gates.

Unlike banks and other financial institutions, United States real estate developers have typically not been subject to rules that require they vet the backgrounds or sources of money of prospective buyers, including looking out for potential money laundering.

In 2016, in the wake of a series of Times articles on the suspicious funds behind luxury real estate purchases around the country, the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network, part of the Treasury Department, started requiring title companies to report all-cash purchases of some expensive residential properties in Manhattan and Miami.

Global Witness called on the Trump Organization to clarify whether it was continuing to receive maintenance fees on Unit 32G, “as there is a risk that these companies may be currently enabling money laundering of public funds embezzled by the Congolese president’s daughter and benefitting from those illicit funds.”

Peter Jones, one of the authors of the report, called on the Justice Department to join French law enforcement and consider seizing the apartment because it appeared to have been purchased with embezzled money.


Kitty Bennett contributed research.
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/09/business/romania-coal-towns.html
 
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