In 1931, American poet Langston Hughes was on his way to Haiti from Cuba. While he possessed formal letters of introduction given to him by people such as James Weldon Johnson, who had himself visited the Caribbean island a bit more than a decade before in hopes of conducting an investigation for the NAACP, Hughes chose to enjoy his time in Haiti by avoiding most of the “polite élite” (Renda 2001, 261). Similarly to most Americans of his day, Hughes viewed Haiti as this exotic location few miles away from Miami and sought out adventures. He was particularly interested in the infamous “Vodou dances” that many American Marines had popularize with autobiographies relating to their experiences in Haiti (Renda 2001, 262). After two months of amusement in the country and while on his way back to the United States, he meet with Jacques Roumain, the great Haitian poet who had already established himself in his country as one of the most important literary and political figures of his day (Fowler 1981, 85). While their meeting was brief, and Roumain regretted that such a central black poet had not been given a proper reception for his visit (given that few knew that he was in Haiti), the two men still managed to form a lasting friendship.
It was perhaps Roumain’s activism that helped shape his friendship with Hughes. Like many Americans before him, Hughes recounted his experience in Haiti in the written form. In the August edition of the New York Amsterdam News, he strongly criticized the Haitian élite for being a “delightful but futile handful of intellectuals” (Cited from Fowler 1981, 85). While children of the élites indeed enjoyed the benefits of the best schools in Port-au-Prince and elsewhere, few were eager to apply their knowledge in practical ways that could impact the fate of what Hughes called the “people without shoes.” This criticism of the Haitian élite, at this time, must have injured many. Only three years before (1928), Jean-Price Mars, one of the most influential scholars of the country, published Ainsi Parla l’Oncle (So Spoke the Uncle) in which he criticized the Haitian élite for its lack of social usefulness. In Jacques Roumain however, Hughes saw one of the few individuals of the more privileged classes who had a real interest in the faith of poorer Haitians. Not only had Roumain espoused the Indigénisme movement, which sought to reclaim folk culture and Haiti’s African origins, his criticism of various Haitian political administrations made him the target of state repression which in turn gained him many trips to jail (where his health greatly deteriorated).
Hughes and Roumain meet at least two more times after their gathering in Haiti. In June of 1937, they were together in Paris. Both men spoke at the Second International Writers’ Congress held the same year (Fowler 1981, 86). The following year, Roumain communist activities materialized in yet another conviction, this time in Paris, but thanks friends he had made there, he was able to avoid jail. By September 1938, he was in New York (Fowler 1981, 86). In November 1939, Hughes and Roumain meet at banquet given in Roumain’s honour by the WYCM of Harlem (Fowler 1981, 86).
In 1944, with his health greatly weakened by his numerous imprisonments, Jacques Roumain died in Port-au-Prince. He was thirty-seven. While his death sent shock waves to many young Haitian radicals who felt they had lost an important leader, his passing also moved intellectuals and artists in and out of Haiti. Before his passing, Roumain had completed the manuscript for his seminal work Gouverneurs de la rosée (Masters of the Dew). With help from Roumain’s widow and in cooperation with Mercer Cook from Howard University, Langston Hughes worked on the first English translation of the novel.
While Hughes and Roumain untimely came from vastly different background and each evolved with its own particular artistic considerations, as stated by Fowler they “shared a vision of the function of art as the articulation of a people’s condition, as a reflection of the culture which that people develops to cope creatively and to express their hope for the fulfillment of universal human aspirations” (Fowler 1981, 88).
This last poem was written by Langston Hughes to pay tribute to the Haitian author following his death:
Always
You will be
Man
Finding out about
The ever bigger world
Before him.
Always you will be
…
Hand that links
Erzulie to the Pope
Damballa to Lenin,
Haiti to the universe
Bread and fish
To fisherman
To man
To me.
In July 1915, following the gory assassination of the Haitian President Guillaume Sam, American Marines headed by Admiral William Banks Caperton, occupied Port-au-Prince and finally took control of the entire country. Citing anarchy (as only between 1913 and 1915, four different administrations had taken the lead of the country) — but also, the possibility that American lives might be injured by the chronic instability in Haiti, Washington finally decided to take control of the situation by sending its troops. While most elements of the American press originally welcomed the occupation as an act of benevolence to the revolution-prove Caribbean island, as the years progressed and the closure of World War I brought about a new logic for “self-determinism” imbedded in Woodrow Wilson post-war world logic, many began to question Washington’s policy towards Latin America and most notably Haiti.
One of the first organizations to openly criticize U.S. Marine conduct in Haiti was the NAACP. In March of 1920, just a few months after being named field secretary of the association, James Weldon Johnson toured the island as a special envoy to conduct an investigation. While there, he meet with people of various social conditions, but most notably with Georges Sylvain,[ii] a famed Haitian poet and former diplomat whom he convinced to revitalize L’Union Patriotique, an organization formed to denounce the U.S. occupation of Haiti in 1915. When Johnson came back to the United States, he recounted his findings in a series of articles for the liberal journal The Nation and for the NAACP’s own Crisis edited by WEB DuBois. As the passage quoted above illustrates, by the time of his investigation, Johnson was convinced the United States occupation of Haiti constituted both a continuation of American politics in the region but also a persistence of U.S. unequal bilateral relations with Haiti. The assassination of Guillaume Sam, as grotesque as it was, provided only an excuse to execute what “formal” diplomacy had not been able to achieve. As Johnson himself observers later in his analysis, Washington’s plans to occupy Haiti can, at the very least, be traced back to the previous year, when the Wilsonian administration was drawing plans with the Navy Department to that effect.
Johnson, James Weldon December 1, 1932. Courtesy of Brandeis University.
Georges Sylvain, 1909. Courtesy of the Bibliothèque nationale de France – Gallica.
Hence, in many ways, James Weldon Johnson and other prominent Black Americans began to perceive the occupation of Haiti of a dissemination of American racism.[x] While in Haiti, U.S. Marines soon began to segregate public spaces such as clubs, hotels and restaurants.Consequently, denouncing the occupation of Haiti not only became a matter of criticizing a violent feature of U.S. foreign policy; it was also part of recognizing that the same racial intolerance plaguing the life of American Blacks in the United States was now suffocating Haitians in their country.
In the end, while the Haitian question lost predominance by late 1920s and did not bring an end to the Marine occupation of Haiti, in many ways, the organization can be credited for embarrassing Wilson’s administration with their articles and for encouraging President Harding to call an investigation in 1921-1922. Moreover, this episode represents an important moment in the history of the association and on the development of twentieth century relations between African-Americans and Haitians.
Why? In this thread of all places?
Africans lost much of their culture during slavery, but remnants of harvest celebrations remain in Mardi Gras in New Orleans and Carnival in Rio de Janeiro and Trinidad. New York once had its own spring festival celebrating life and filled with wild abandon.
Pinkster was rooted in the Christian celebration of Pentecost, or Whitsunday. It marked the descent of the Holy Spirit on Jesus’ disciples after his Ascension. The Dutch colonists of 17th-century New Amsterdam—New York’s predecessor—imported the holiday from Europe, but it was New Amsterdam’s enslaved African population that, by the 19th century, would combine the holiday with traditional African celebrations, creating one of the city’s most popular faith-based festivals. Pinkster was well known between New York City and Albany, along stretches of New Jersey and out on Staten and Long Islands.
Pinkster is a forgotten holiday because it was outlawed. In 1811 in Albany, the state legislature passed the “Pinkster Law,” which prohibited any person from “march[ing] or parad[ing], with or without any kind of music” on any public street in that city during Pinkster.
U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt’s 1906 reflections on his youth paint a picture of Pinkster. “Another Dutch festival of universal observance was Pinkster, held in the springtide,” he wrote. “It grew to be especially the negroes’ day, all of the blacks of the city and neighboring country gathering to celebrate it. There was a great fair, with merrymaking and games of all kinds on the Common, where the City Hall park now is; while the whites also assembled to look on, and sometimes to take part in the fun.”
Black Cowboys
- Cattle herding has existed in Africa for thousands of years
- Historians believe 1 in 4 Texan cowboys was African American (the number of Mexican cowboys was greater)
- Black cowboys were often expected to do more than their white colleagues
- Despite the hard work, being a black cowboy was better than being a slave
- They were often the first to cross dangerous rivers and got the horses ready to ride in the morning
- Hollywood played a major part in dismissing the roles of blacks in the west
- Some famous black Cowboys and girls: Stagecoach Mary, William Bill Pickett, Nat Love, Bass Reeves
Source: http://bit.ly/18iLkF0