If efforts to pass Medicare for All are ever going to succeed, supporters are going to have to get serious about addressing two big political hurdles: taxes and provider pay.
These two issues form a web of potential challenges that have tripped up state single-payer efforts for decades. Now that
basically every health care industry group has united to kill single-payer, ignoring these issues or assuming the public will just inherently see the wisdom in single-payer seems a poor gamble.
Similarly, simply pushing to make the concept of “Medicare for All” more popular is not enough. The idea has had majority support for years. If we can learn anything from the politics around the Affordable Care Act or failed state single-payer efforts, it is that bills aren’t judged by their most popular provisions but by their least.
If the hope is to have Democrats take action in early 2021, that gives just two-and-a-half years to engage with the public on multiple thorny issues: the value of a total restructuring of our tax code, the relative size and equality issues with current employer premiums, the balance of state and federal spending on health care, and the fact that providers in the United States are charging the public significantly more than they do in any other country. There is no time for “dealing with the details later,” since the opposition is already taking action to exploit them. That time is now.
Challenge 1: Taxes
Taxes are the big hurdle that has killed single-payer efforts time and time again.
Replacing current premiums with taxes would require a payroll tax of around 10 to 25 percent. Many activists seem convinced they can simply repeat the message, “Don’t worry, this big new tax will be less than or roughly equal to what you had been paying in premiums.”
This message has failed in battleground states like
Colorado and even in blue states like
Oregon, Vermont, and California. In California,
53 percent of likely voters back single-payer but support drops to just 41 percent when they are told it will require new taxes.
This is a pattern repeated in numerous states and
national polls. Getting people to believe this message is going to require seriously confronting the issue — a massive educational effort directed at a large swath of the media and the public.
The added problem is the math is not nearly as simple as some people like to claim. Take, for example, this chart from a
Rand analysis of a single-payer bill in New York.
The chart shows on average how people would fare if current premiums and cost sharing were replaced by taxes. It shows on average households making less than $291,000 would in theory be better off, but there are huge individual variations which make up those averages.
For starters, well-off young people who buy their own insurance and individuals who work for companies with relatively young, healthy work forces will do worse than average in this trade off.
In addition, underlying the whole message are some economic assumptions that can be tough for people to believe. The biggest is that, by ending a company’s need to provide health insurance, companies would raise their employees’ wages by how much they had previously been paying in premiums.
Even if that is true for many people over the long term, it will not be true for everyone, particularly in the short term. There are even some scenarios in which employers would be likely to pay less but nominal wages are sticky. For instance, a company may choose to withhold these wages from employees who aren’t as valuable as they once were. There are also struggling companies that will do anything to cut costs they think the can get away with, even if it just delays the inevitable. This big benefit/tax transition would give those companies an opportunity to try to hide a pay cut while trying to stay afloat.
Similarly, any federal single-payer bill that effectively takes over Medicaid and pays for it with a new federal tax would free up states’ current Medicaid spending. To make sure everyone is roughly as well-off, states would need to use the savings for a broad income tax cut which mirrors current premium spending.
The federal government can’t make states do this, and since many states don’t have an income tax, it would be difficult even if they tried. Some states might use the savings to only cut taxes for the rich or to plug long-term budget holes, hoping voters will blame the federal government when they don’t “feel” the promised tax relief.
The single-payer movement has three choices:
- They can run a public outreach campaign to fully educate the public about the trade-off and prepare for the blowback. Really take the issue head-on. Talk frequently about the actual taxes needed and the economics behind it. Be prepared to have a message for the tens of millions who will end up paying more, highlighting the broad social good and the non-financial benefits even for the “losers” in terms of long term security. If this education strategy is going to work, it needs to have started yesterday. As of now, the single-payer bills in Congress lack a tax section, so we don’t even know what taxes we are trying to get the public to back. Selling the public on a massive tax transition in just a few months during the final rush to pass a bill is a big problem waiting to happen.
- Avoid the issue almost entirely with creative policy. Instead of trying to design and create a large new payroll tax so that it closely matches what most employers were spending on premiums, you could just use an employer mandate. Just mandate employers “buy” their employees’ Medicare or pay what they would have paid in private premiums to the government. You can design an employer mandate to have nearly the same financial impact of any payroll tax. The political difference is significant: even in California, a single-payer bill that requires a new tax polls at an anemic 41% in favor, 41% opposed while nationally mandating employers pay for health insurance polls at 63% in favor to 37% opposed. Mandating employers pay basically the full cost of buying comprehensive coverage for their employees has proven to be very popular and political durable in Hawaii. Similarly, the federal government could require states to make maintenance-of-effort payments to the federal government equal to what they had been spending on Medicaid.
- Make the program super cheap. Finally, activists could push to make the single-payer program so much dramatically cheaper than our current system that basically everyone would clearly see a big financial improvement. It is way easier to sell “Your premiums will disappear, and most of you won’t pay any new taxes,” than “Don’t worry about the big new tax; it should cancel out via these half dozen other changes.” That is something we can do in theory. The amount of government money currently spent on Medicaid/Medicare/CHIP/Federal employees, etc., is greater than what the UK or Canada spends to provide everyone free insurance. We can, in theory, create a single payer system without new taxes.