ill
Superstar
Sad as fook watching that Belgian guy brainwashing his young son. Innocence lost mad early.
The little kid was just agreeing with his dad to satisfy his wishes. Lost soul that never got a chance at normality.
Sad as fook watching that Belgian guy brainwashing his young son. Innocence lost mad early.
Let's take a moment to @ the old guy who was happy he left Europe to come back to the middle east to do jihad thoSad as fook watching that Belgian guy brainwashing his young son. Innocence lost mad early.
These aren't even the same rebels as Libya, Libya fighters weren't breed chechen fighters.Im confused you are against Israel's genocide but not's Obama's creation of these savage men.. The same ones who were in Libya in 2011 killing men, women and children and the same ones in Syria doing the same thing?
You could argue a lot of these Khawarij are influenced by the teachings of Sayyid Qutb and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood
body of decapitated girl. Graphic.
Actually IMO the MB isn't that bad at all
Morsi >>> ISIS by far.
Are you Arab breh
Nasser sure didn't.Bismillah Al-Rahman Al-Raheem.
I'm North African, Algerian to be exact.
While Salafis preach a stricter interpretation of Islam than other groups, they tend to shy away from militant and political islam, unlike the Muslim Brotherhood. I'm not saying Qutb (may Allah have mercy on him) was a terrorist supporter or anything but you can see some of his influence on groups like Al-Qaeda. Salafis preach that muslims shouldn't depart (khuruj in Arabic) from the rulers, no matter how unjust they ar, unless they're publically blasphemous or wage war on islam/muslims and even then, they shouldn't be killing or declare other muslims as kuffar (takfir) so lightly like ISIS and a lot of militant groupds often do. Not saying MB (or the MB today) are responsible for terrorism alone, but a lot of militant groups got influenced by them.
As far as Saudi Arabia funding these groups, it may be possible. Despite being the birth place of Muhammad (Sala Allah 'Alayhi wa Salam) and containing the holy lands, there's a lot to talk about it as a state.
Wa Allah A'lem.
Nasser sure didn't.
These aren't even the same rebels as Libya, Libya fighters weren't breed chechen fighters.
The New Thirty Years’ War
NEW YORK – It is a region wracked by religious struggle between competing traditions of the faith. But the conflict is also between militants and moderates, fueled by neighboring rulers seeking to defend their interests and increase their influence. Conflicts take place within and between states; civil wars and proxy wars become impossible to distinguish. Governments often forfeit control to smaller groups – militias and the like – operating within and across borders. The loss of life is devastating, and millions are rendered homeless.
That could be a description of today’s Middle East. In fact, it describes Europe in the first half of the seventeenth century.
In the Middle East in 2011, change came after a humiliated Tunisian fruit vendor set himself alight in protest; in a matter of weeks, the region was aflame. In seventeenth-century Europe, a local religious uprising by Bohemian Protestants against the Catholic Habsburg Emperor Ferdinand II triggered that era’s conflagration.
Protestants and Catholics alike turned for support to their co-religionists within the territories that would one day become Germany. Many of the era’s major powers, including Spain, France, Sweden, and Austria, were drawn in. The result was the Thirty Years’ War, the most violent and destructive episode in European history until the two world wars of the twentieth century.
There are obvious differences between the events of 1618-1648 in Europe and those of 2011-2014 in the Middle East. But the similarities are many – and sobering. Three and a half years after the dawn of the “Arab Spring,” there is a real possibility that we are witnessing the early phase of a prolonged, costly, and deadly struggle; as bad as things are, they could well become worse.
The region is ripe for unrest. Most of its people are politically impotent and poor in terms of both wealth and prospects. Islam never experienced something akin to the Reformation in Europe; the lines between the sacred and the secular are unclear and contested.
Moreover, national identities often compete with – and are increasingly overwhelmed by – those stemming from religion, sect, and tribe. Civil society is weak. In some countries, the presence of oil and gas discourages the emergence of a diversified economy and, with it, a middle class. Education emphasizes rote learning over critical thinking. In many cases, authoritarian rulers lack legitimacy.
Outside actors, by what they did and failed to do, added fuel to the fire. The 2003 Iraq war was highly consequential, for it exacerbated Sunni-Shia tensions in one of the region’s most important countries and, as a result, in many of the region’s other divided societies. Regime change in Libya has created a failing state; lukewarm support for regime change in Syria has set the stage for prolonged civil war.
The region’s trajectory is worrisome: weak states unable to police their territory; the few relatively strong states competing for primacy; militias and terrorist groups gaining greater influence; and the erasure of borders. The local political culture confuses democracy with majoritarianism, with elections used as vehicles to consolidate power, not share it.
Beyond the enormous human suffering and loss of life, the most immediate byproduct of the region’s turmoil is the potential for more severe and frequent terrorism – both in the Middle East and emanating from it. There is also the potential for disruption of energy production and shipping.
There are limits to what outsiders can do. Sometimes, policymakers need to focus on preventing things from getting worse, rather than on ambitious agendas for improvement; this is one of those times.
What this calls for, above all, is prevention of nuclear proliferation (beginning with Iran), whether through diplomacy and sanctions, or, if need be, through sabotage and military attacks. The alternative – a Middle East in which several governments and, through them, militias and terrorist groups have access to nuclear weapons and materials – is too horrific to contemplate.
Steps that reduce global dependence on the region’s energy supplies (including improvements in fuel efficiency and development of alternative sources) also make great sense. Economic assistance should go simultaneously to Jordan and Lebanon to help them cope with the flood of refugees. Democracy promotion in Turkey and Egypt should focus on strengthening civil society and creating robust constitutions that diffuse power.
Counter-terrorism against groups such as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (which now calls itself simply the “Islamic State”) – whether by drones, small raids, or the training and arming of local partners – must become a staple of policy. It is time to recognize the inevitability of Iraq’s break-up (the country is now more a vehicle for Iran’s influence than a bulwark against it) and bolster an independent Kurdistan within Iraq’s former borders.
There is no room for illusions. Regime change is no panacea; it can be difficult to achieve and nearly impossible to consolidate. Negotiations cannot resolve all or even most conflicts.
That is certainly true, for the time being, of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. Even if this changes, a comprehensive settlement would help the locals but not affect the dynamics of neighboring countries or conflicts. That said, a narrow ceasefire between Israel and Hamas should be pursued.
Likewise, diplomacy can work in Syria only if it accepts the reality on the ground (including the survival of the Assad regime for the foreseeable future), rather than seeking to transform it. The answer is not to be found in drawing new maps, though once populations have shifted and political stability has been restored, recognition of new borders might prove both desirable and viable.
Policymakers must recognize their limits. For now and for the foreseeable future – until a new local order emerges or exhaustion sets in – the Middle East will be less a problem to be solved than a condition to be managed.
Read more at http://www.project-syndicate.org/co...a-condition-to-be-managed#dQXsAQ0YMJ0Lp6pJ.99
Should we have stood in the way of Nazi Germany's right to self determination?Should America stand in the way of IS right to self determination?
Should we have stood in the way of Nazi Germany's right to self determination?