Hell up in Syria and Iraq

88m3

Fast Money & Foreign Objects
Joined
May 21, 2012
Messages
88,767
Reputation
3,706
Daps
158,092
Reppin
Brooklyn
Isis consolidates
Patrick Cockburn

As the attention of the world focused on Ukraine and Gaza, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (Isis) captured a third of Syria in addition to the quarter of Iraq it had seized in June. The frontiers of the new Caliphate declared by Isis on 29 June are expanding by the day and now cover an area larger than Great Britain and inhabited by at least six million people, a population larger than that of Denmark, Finland or Ireland. In a few weeks of fighting in Syria Isis has established itself as the dominant force in the Syrian opposition, routing the official al-Qaida affiliate, Jabhat al-Nusra, in the oil-rich province of Deir Ezzor and executing its local commander as he tried to flee. In northern Syria some five thousand Isis fighters are using tanks and artillery captured from the Iraqi army in Mosul to besiege half a million Kurds in their enclave at Kobani on the Turkish border. In central Syria, near Palmyra, Isis fought the Syrian army as it overran the al-Shaer gasfield, one of the largest in the country, in a surprise assault that left an estimated three hundred soldiers and civilians dead. Repeated government counter-attacks finally retook the gasfield but Isis still controls most of Syria’s oil and gas production. The Caliphate may be poor and isolated but its oil wells and control of crucial roads provide a steady income in addition to the plunder of war.

The birth of the new state is the most radical change to the political geography of the Middle East since the Sykes-Picot Agreement was implemented in the aftermath of the First World War. Yet this explosive transformation has created surprisingly little alarm internationally or even among those in Iraq and Syria not yet under the rule of Isis. Politicians and diplomats tend to treat Isis as if it is a Bedouin raiding party that appears dramatically from the desert, wins spectacular victories and then retreats to its strongholds leaving the status quo little changed. Such a scenario is conceivable but is getting less and less likely as Isis consolidates its hold on its new conquests in an area that may soon stretch from Iran to the Mediterranean.

http://www.lrb.co.uk/v36/n16/patrick-cockburn/isis-consolidates

Must read

bit of a longer article but a lot information
 

88m3

Fast Money & Foreign Objects
Joined
May 21, 2012
Messages
88,767
Reputation
3,706
Daps
158,092
Reppin
Brooklyn
France to arm Iraqi Kurds fighting ISIS militants

hollande-armee-JOEL%20SAGET%20%20AFP.jpg

© Joel Saget / AFP
Text by FRANCE 24

Latest update : 2014-08-13

France will deliver weapons to Kurdish forces fighting Islamic extremists in Iraq in the “coming hours”, President François Hollande’s office said on Wednesday.
The French presidency said in a statement that the arms shipment had been agreed with authorities in Baghdad and would be delivered “in the coming hours".

"To meet the urgent needs voiced by the Kurdish regional authorities, the head of state (Hollande) decided in liaison with Baghdad to ship arms in the coming hours", said the statement.

The French government’s decision comes after the US conducted a series of air strikes against jihadists in northern Iraq.

Radical Sunni militants calling themselves Islamic State (formerly known as Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, or ISIS), launched an attack earlier this month against Kurdish forces in northern Iraq, sparking a mass exodus among the country’s Yazidi, Christian, Turkmen, and Shabak minorities.

(FRANCE 24 with AFP and REUTERS)

http://www.france24.com/en/20140813...inst-jihadists-coming-hours-hollande-weapons/
 

88m3

Fast Money & Foreign Objects
Joined
May 21, 2012
Messages
88,767
Reputation
3,706
Daps
158,092
Reppin
Brooklyn
French military effort against ISIS ‘should focus on Lebanon’

Saudi_Lebanon_1.jpg

© AFP - Lebanese forces near Arsal on the Syrian border last week
Text by Tony TODD

Latest update : 2014-08-11

France would be better placed supporting efforts against Islamic State in Iraq and Greater Syria (ISIS or ISIL) militants in Lebanon rather than on the Kurdish front, specialists told FRANCE 24 on Monday.
French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius on Monday wrote to EU foreign affairs chief Catherine Ashton urging the 28-member bloc to “mobilise” to help Iraq's Kurds fight ISIS, which is also known as the Islamic State.

Fabius had just returned from a trip to Iraq where he met Massoud Barzani, head of the autonomous Kurdistan region of northern Iraq.

Barzani, Fabius said, had stressed "the urgent need for weapons and ammunition that would allow them to confront and beat the terrorist group Islamic State".

Earlier, politicians from across the French political spectrum welcomed Paris’s commitment to send aid and weapons to Iraqi Kurdistan’s embattled Peshmerga forces.

But on Monday, experts warned that France’s contribution would have to be limited due to its extensive military commitments in Africa.

“France can’t do much [for the Kurds] compared with what the Americans can do,” Eric Denécé, of the French Centre for Intelligence Research (CF2R) think-tank, told FRANCE 24. “We are already heavily committed in Africa, where the bulk of our military equipment is needed.

“But it is a significant political and diplomatic gesture [to encourage the EU to support the Kurds],” he said.

French arms for Lebanon in the pipeline

Retired French General Dominique Trinquand, former head of France’s military mission to the UN and now a communications consultant with the Marck Group military suppliers, was more optimistic about what France could achieve.

Trinquard agreed that it was vital the Kurds were given help in the form of weapons and ammunition in their fight against the ISIS.

“The Kurds are the only group putting up serious resistance to the Islamists in Iraq,” he told FRANCE 24, adding that the Americans were “much better placed than France” to supply them.

France could achieve more, he said, by supporting Lebanon, which has mounted a rugged defence against ISIS incursions from neighbouring Syria, despite outdated military equipment and ammunition shortages.

“The Islamist menace is not limited to northern Iraq and Kurdistan,” Trinquand said. “The international community needs to look at the whole situation, which encompasses Iraq, Syria and now Lebanon.

“France is already engaged in a multi-billion dollar [Saudi-sponsored] arms deal with Lebanon,” he said. “We could achieve much in the fight against ISIS by speeding this process up.”

He pointed out that France maintains close ties with the Lebanese army, even training its officers, and there was “less chance of weapons falling into the hands of the jihadists”.

US airstrikes against ISIS

France and Britain have both pledged support for a US-led humanitarian operation to help Iraqi civilians – many of them from the Yazidi minority – who are fleeing the murderous advance of the ISIS militants who are brutally carving out a self-styled caliphate across a wide swath of Syria and northern Iraq.

While all three Western countries are providing emergency aid for the besieged civilians, the United States has also been conducting air strikes on ISIS positions.

On Monday, the US State Department said it had started supplying weapons to the Kurdish Peshmerga forces.

http://www.france24.com/en/20140811-french-effort-against-isis-jihadists-should-focus-lebanon/
 

newworldafro

DeeperThanRapBiggerThanHH
Joined
May 3, 2012
Messages
50,705
Reputation
5,058
Daps
114,319
Reppin
In the Silver Lining

88m3

Fast Money & Foreign Objects
Joined
May 21, 2012
Messages
88,767
Reputation
3,706
Daps
158,092
Reppin
Brooklyn
U.S. Breaks Siege on Iraqi Mountain, Defense Officials Say
By HELENE COOPER and MICHAEL D. SHEARAUG. 13, 2014

Photo
JP-REFUGEES-master675.jpg

Displaced Iraqi families from the Yazidi community cross the Iraq-Syria border.CreditAhmad Al-Rubaye/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

  • An initial report from about a dozen Marines and Special Operations forces who spent the last 24 hours on the mountain said that “the situation is much more manageable,” a senior defense official said in an interview.

    “A rescue effort now is much more unlikely,” the official said.

    Defense officials could not say how many Yazidis remained on the mountain, but Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel was expected to make an statement later Wednesday night.

    The announcement came after American military advisers landed on Mount Sinjar early Wednesday to begin assessing how to organize the evacuation. The United States had said it would consider using American ground troops to assist in the rescue if recommended by the military team.
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/14/world/middleeast/iraq-yazidi-refugees.html
 

88m3

Fast Money & Foreign Objects
Joined
May 21, 2012
Messages
88,767
Reputation
3,706
Daps
158,092
Reppin
Brooklyn
Iraq's Nuri al-Maliki resigns as prime minister, backs successor Abadi
Maliki-new.jpg

© Afp
Text by FRANCE 24

Latest update : 2014-08-14

Iraq's Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki has agreed to resign and lend his support to Haider al-Abadi, who was named to replace him this week amid fears that Maliki might seek to hold on to power through force.
"I announce before you today, to ease the movement of the political process and the formation of the new government, the withdrawal of my candidacy in favour of brother Dr. Haider al-Abadi," Maliki said in a televised address late on Thursday, with Abadi standing by his side.

Maliki said his decision to resign was based on a desire to "safeguard the high interests of the country" and spoke of the "terrorist" threat the country was facing from an Islamist insurgency.

Iraq's President Fouad Masoum moved to replace the embattled premier on Monday, asking deputy speaker Abadi to serve as PM and form a new government.

Maliki called the president's decision a "dangerous violation" of the constitution. In a televised speech showing him flanked by his allies in parliament and broadcast just hours after Masoum nominated the deputy speaker, Maliki accused the president of blocking his reappointment as prime minister and of waging "a coup against the constitution and the political process".

Maliki also accused Washington of supporting the move, saying the US "stood [on] the side of violating the constitution".

"We assure all the Iraqi people and the political groups that there is no importance or value to this nomination,'' he said.

Later on Monday security forces loyal to Maliki deployed on the streets of Baghdad, closing two of the capital's main avenues as hundreds of his supporters rallied in the streets and underscoring fears that the premier might seek to stay in power through force.

Those fears were somewhat quelled, however, when Maliki publicly ordered Iraq's security forces not to "intervene" in the leadership crisis on Tuesday.

In a statement on his official website, Maliki urged the army, police and security forces "to stay away from the political crisis and continue in their security and military duties to defend the country". As prime minister, Maliki was the commander-in-chief of the armed forces.

Support for rival Abadi

Maliki appeared to be increasingly isolated in recent days as world leaders rushed to congratulated Abadi, including regional heavyweight Iran. The Iranian foreign ministry issued a statement Tuesday urging Abadi to "rapidly unveil his cabinet" and pledging the Islamic republic's continued support.

A former supporter of Maliki's, Iran is a key powerbroker in Iraq and influential with many of its Shiite political parties. Tehran's apparent reversal increased the pressure on Maliki, who was unlikely to succeed in a campaign to remain in power without Iranian support. Iran was influential in ensuring that Maliki served a second term following an inconclusive general election in 2010.

US officials also quickly signalled their readiness to support a new government in Iraq, with Vice President Joe Biden calling Abadi in the hours after his appointment to express Washington's "full support" and congratulate him on his nomination. According to the White House, Abadi told Biden that he intends "to move expeditiously to form a broad-based, inclusive government capable of countering the threat" posed by the Islamist militants now sweeping through Iraq.

Saudi Foreign Minister Saud al-Faisal on Tuesday called Abadi's nomination "good news". Saudi Arabia had long accused Maliki of fostering the conditions for Iraq's current jihadist insurgency through years of marginalising the Sunni minority.

Arab League chief Nabil al-Arabi also "welcomed" Abadi's appointment in a statement that day.

Maliki 'alienated Sunnis'

Maliki's critics, from Washington to Riyadh, say he has systematically alienated Sunnis from the political process, thus fuelling support for the Sunni militants of the Islamic State of Iraq and Greater Syria (ISIS or ISIL) who have now seized towns and cities across northern Iraq and have threatened to march on Baghdad. The Islamist group, which now calls itself the Islamic State, poses the biggest threat to Iraqi stability since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003.

Sectarian and inter-religious violence has again become widespread, reaching levels not seen since unrest peaked in 2006-2007 in the era following the US-led invasion.

Iraq's political infighting sparked international fears that the disarray in Baghdad could hamper efforts to stem further advances by the ISIS militants, who have continued to seize territory and killed hundreds of members of Iraq's Yazidi minority in recent weeks.

Abadi, a Shiite, is a low-key figure who was educated at the University of Manchester. He has served as the head of the parliamentary finance committee, as a political adviser to Maliki and as minister of communications.

(FRANCE 24 with AP, AFP and REUTERS)
 

88m3

Fast Money & Foreign Objects
Joined
May 21, 2012
Messages
88,767
Reputation
3,706
Daps
158,092
Reppin
Brooklyn
Strange bedfellows: terror groups, Kurdish factions unite against ISIS


pkk-firat-afp.jpg

© PKK fighters resting in an undisclosed mountainous region in Turkey near the border with Iraq in May 2013. AFP PHOTO / FIRAT NEWS AGENCY
Text by Leela JACINTO

Latest update : 2014-08-15

They were first spotted in the Iraqi Kurdish city of Erbil on August 8, just as US President Barack Obama announced he had authorised airstrikes in northern Iraq against ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and Greater Syria) targets.
In their distinctive khaki-grey uniforms, their ranks including battle-hardened female fighters – a rarity in most parts of the Middle East – they took up positions in and around Erbil, including the Sami Abdulrahman Park, a sprawling green expanse in the heart of the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan.

As the ISIS onslaught inched dangerously close to Erbil, the fighters from the PKK (Kurdistan Worker’s Party) -- a Marxist group that waged a 30-year armed struggle against the Turkish state -- had arrived to help their Iraqi brethren in their fight against the Islamist terrorists.

But the PKK also happens to be on the US and EU lists of foreign terrorist organisations.

In Washington, Obama was authorising airstrikes to help defend a city “where American diplomats and civilians serve in our consulate and military personnel advise Iraqi forces”. Meanwhile, on the battlefront thousands of miles away, fighters from a banned Turkish terrorist group were defending Erbil and its environs – presumably in plain sight of those US diplomats and advisers.

“The PKK and US Marines near the Sinjar area [in northern Iraq] apparently had some interaction assessing the situation,” said Shwan Zulal, from Carduchi Consulting, a London-based business intelligence and consulting firm specialising in Iraq’s Kurdistan region. “It’s rather odd that the US is working directly with a designated terrorist group.”

The lightening ISIS (also known as Islamic State) offensive, with its militarily sophisticated twists and turns, has forged unlikely alliances in the fog of war. As the Islamist group “breaks” national bordersand attracts jihadists from across the globe, rival factions and proscribed groups have turned into unwitting bedfellows, united – for the moment – in the fight against a disciplined Islamist militant group.

The PKK entry in the latest conflict alongside Kurdish peshmerga fighters came as ISIS abandoned a hands-off policy toward the Kurds earlier this month.

In a report from the frontline earlier this week, a reporter from the US McClatchy news group noted that Iraqi “Kurdish officials are reluctant to discuss the presence of hundreds of PKK fighters.”

But that hesitance appeared to have dissipated by Thursday, when Iraqi Kurdish President Masoud Barzani visited PKK forces at a camp they seized from ISIS control in Makhmour, a town located around 50 kilometers south of Erbil. The visit was widely reported by local Kurdish news organisations, which noted that, “This is the first time the Kurdish president meets forces from the party.”

Barzani and Ocalan: Brothers in fratricidal arms
Despite their shared Kurdish origins, Barzani has not had the best of relations with the PKK – one of several twists in the decades-long, internecine squabbles between Kurdish factions spread across Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran.

Tensions have been simmering in recent years over Barzani’s close ties to Turkey – the PKK’s traditional foe – with the economic boom in Iraqi Kurdistan attracting massive Turkish investments, particularly in the energy sector.

The rivalries between the PKK, which was founded by separatist leader Abdullah Ocalan, and Barzani’s KDP (Kurdistan Democratic Party) date back to the 1990s, when the two groups clashed during the deadly Kurdish civil war.

Relations between the two groups improved following Ocalan’s 1999 capture and detention in a Turkish jail, when Barzani allowed fleeing PKK fighters to set up bases in northern Iraq’s Kandil mountains.

Iraqi Kurdish officials also hosted PKK supporters in the Makhmour refugee camp, where Kurds fleeing the fighting between the PKK and the Turkish military have been based since 1992.


When the time came for the Turkish Kurds to help their Iraqi brethren, Makhmour saw some of the fiercest clashes between PKK and ISIS fighters in recent days.

Reporting from Makhmour earlier this week, a FRANCE 24 team found a yellow flag emblazoned with Ocalan’s face flying proudly over a building as a peshmerga commander hailed the PKK’s fighting skills.

“In the battle for Makhmour, they are the ones who fought the best,” said the peshmerga commander.

‘Shambolic’ Kurdish chain of command
Following a military campaign against Turkish security forces that was waged for nearly three decades, PKK fighters today are a disciplined guerrilla fighting force and a major asset in the Kurdish battle against ISIS.

“The PKK are very experienced fighters. They are mobile, agile, tactical fighters,” explained Carduchi Consulting’s Zulal. “Although you can’t compare the PKK with ISIS – who are deranged and ruthless killers – the PKK has been a match for ISIS.”

The Iraqi peshmerga have also been aided by fighters from the PYD, a Syrian-based Kurdish party linked to the PKK, who have been battling ISIS in northeastern Syria near the Turkish border.

But while the presence of battle-hardened fighters from Turkey and Syria has boosted the Kurdish fighting capacity in northern Iraq, a key problem remains the lack of a centralised command structure, according to Zulal.

Iraq’s homegrown peshmerga consists of fighting units from the two main Kurdish parties – Barzani’s KDP (Kurdish Democratic Party) and the PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan) founded by former Iraqi President Jalal Talabani.

The peshmerga – which literally means “those who look death in the face” – still ultimately answer to the two dominant Kurdish parties.

Plans to overhaul the peshmerga and integrate them under a unified command are incomplete, and experts say the weakest units in the recent fighting were the mixed ones.

“The chain of command is shambolic,” dismissed Zulal, noting that the lack of organisation was “one of the major reasons” for the recent peshmerga losses against ISIS in the Sinjar area, which saw thousands of minority Yazidis fleeing to inhospitable mountain tops before US airstrikes helped turn the tide in favour of the Kurds.

Add the Turkish PKK and Syrian PYD into the mix of homegrown peshmerga units and the hopes for a centralized chain of command look bleak – to say nothing about the tricky diplomatic situation it presents for international partners arming the Kurds in their fight against ISIS.

Three levels of terror groups
But while experts such as Zulal admit it’s ironic that US military advisers are coordinating with a designated terrorist group, few express surprise over the latest battlefield cooperation.

They note that the Iraqi KDP and PUK are listed as “Tier III” terrorist organisations by the US State Department under a post-9/11 law that created a three-level scale for groups that have engaged in armed struggle in the past.

While the Tier III designation of the two main Iraqi Kurdish parties has posed a US immigration hurdle for senior party members, the US government can easily waive sanctions against the KDP and PUK, according to experts.

The PKK case though is more complicated since it risks irking Turkey, a major US strategic partner in the Muslim world.

“The US is not really committed to keeping the PKK on the terrorist list – the PKK has never threatened the US,” said Zulal. “It was done because of Turkish pressure, because Turkey is part of NATO.”

While there have been efforts by Kurdish groups abroad to remove the PKK from the US and EU terrorist lists, Zulal believes most Western capitals are monitoring a peace process between the PKK and Turkish authorities launched in 2012 before considering a status change.

Turkey plays catch-up on Arab Spring fallout

But while the PKK’s involvement in the anti-ISIS fight in northern Iraq is undoubtedly being monitored by Turkish intelligence, there’s been a marked official silence from Ankara on the issue.

“I think Turkey has been very quiet and has not reacted so far,” said Zulal. “There’s been a lot of criticism of Turkey not taking the initiative with this latest crisis. In fact Turkey’s foreign policy over the last three years – on Egypt, Syria and the region – has been one of playing catch-up. I think Turkey’s response has been nothing short of a disaster since the Arab Spring.”

Over the past few weeks, Turkey has been consumed by the August 10 presidential election, the first by a popular vote, that saw winning candidate Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan extend his dominion over the country.

While domestic politics has dominated Turkish attention, Erdogan’s “open door” policy for Syrians fleeing the civil war has seen around 1.2 million refugees settled in camps and Turkish cities. The recent crisis in Iraq’s Sinjar area has sparked an exodus of an additional 2,000 Yezidis into Turkey, according to officials.

The social fallout of such a large influx of refugees has been largely overlooked in a country that’s scrambling to respond to the sheer enormity of the crises across its borders.

But then the same can be said for the larger international community. As EU countries such as France and Britain prepare to arm Kurdish fighters, little attention is being paid in Brussels and other European capitals on the likely consequences of that military support on Iraqi unity. Will the strengthening of Kurdish fighters hasten the fragmentation of Iraq – and if so, along what lines?

The answers will only be clear once the immediate imperatives of the battleground – which has engendered unlikely and probably short-lived alliances – are settled. But that may come a bit too late.



http://www.france24.com/en/20140815..._ref=partage_aef&aef_campaign_date=2014-08-15
 

88m3

Fast Money & Foreign Objects
Joined
May 21, 2012
Messages
88,767
Reputation
3,706
Daps
158,092
Reppin
Brooklyn
‘Everywhere Around Is the Islamic State’: On the Road in Iraq with YPG Fighters

By Aris Roussinos

August 16, 2014 | 9:55 am
The Syrian Kurdish fighters of the People's Protection Units (YPG) gathered behind a berm of hard brown sand as they prepared to cross the border — smoking and discussing the route among themselves. From the Iraqi side, trucks loaded with Yazidi refugees streamed through in plumes of fine dust, met by Syrian volunteers handing them cartons of fruit juice, biscuits, and cigarettes.

The Yazidi Kurds, marginalized followers of a secretive religion, had fled their homes in advance of an offensive by the Islamic State, formerly ISIS, and taken shelter on Mount Sinjar — a range of barren, waterless crags, where many of the weakest died of thirst and heat exhaustion. Earlier, at the newly created Newroz refugee camp in Derik, Yazidis bitterly described their privations.

"There was no way to come here except through the mountains, walking," one man said, showing us his bandaged feet. "There was no food and no water and no weapons. ISIS advanced so much that there was nowhere else to go, so we had to go to the mountaintop. I have a four-year-old boy who has walked all the way from there to here."

Their plight, and their widely circulated accounts of the Islamic State's atrocities, has aroused the West's conscience, leading the US government to intervene in Iraq by dropping food and water on the mountaintop and bombs on the Islamic State's positions surrounding them. But the Yazidis were unanimous on who they owed their lives to: "It was the YPG who saved us. The peshmerga betrayed us and ran away like cowards, but the YPG saved our lives. They are heroes to us."

untitled-article-1408139979-body-image-1408140077.jpg


Desperate Yazidi child clasps a block of ice in Newroz refugee camp in Derik, Syrian Kurdistan.

untitled-article-1408139979-body-image-1408140091.jpg


Yazidi child receives medical treatment in Newroz refugee camp in Derik, Syrian Kurdistan.

Inside an aid tent at Newroz camp, a group of men and women in NGO vests sat around eating a hearty lunch surrounded by hundreds of refugees clamouring to register their names to receive food. They insisted they not be filmed eating, and that we join them for lunch. Awkwardly, we ate with them, stared at by hungry Yazidis.

They were, it transpired, Syrian regime officials, showing markedly more concern for Iraq's Yazidi refugees than for the millions of Syrians who have fled their homes from government air strikes. A Hassakeh politician, Adel Bachu, discussed what Syrian government officials were doing here in the autonomous Kurdish region.

"The role of the government is to provide whatever it can to provide to these people, despite the wounds that we already have as the Syrian government, as you know," he said. "Despite four years of this crisis, we are still open to receive these refugees."

A year ago, the Obama administration was close to bombing the Syrian regime, which may well have ended the war. Instead, Obama blinked and did nothing, and the Islamic State took advantage of the chaos to rise to dominance across much of Syria and Iraq. Now America found itself reluctantly bombing the Islamic State, in Iraq but not in its Syrian powerbase.

"All these years we have been fighting ISIS, many countries have been supporting ISIS against the Syrian government, and the Syrian regime, against the Syrian people, they have been killing Syrian people," Bachu said. "Now the Americans are striking ISIS in Iraq, we hope these strikes will be extended into Syria as well. But not only against ISIS but also against other terrorist organizations such as Nusra and others, and that they will stop providing them arms and money by different countries."

Masters of their embattled, autonomous state in northeast Syria, the Kurdish fighters of the YPG, an offshoot of Turkey's PKK movement, have fought the Islamic State almost since the group's creation, with no support and little interest from the outside world. Heavily outgunned and almost encircled by their jihadist enemy, the YPG has stood its ground, fending off Islamic State assaults with heavy casualties despite a blockades by both neighbouring Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq.

But when the Islamic State turned its attention to KRG, the YPG sensed an opportunity to change its fortunes. As both Iraqi central government troops and KRG peshmerga fled the Islamic State's offensive, the YPG moved into Iraq, fighting side by side with their former peshmerga rivals, and urging a fragile, newfound sense of Kurdish unity.

At the berm of sand that marked the desert border with Iraq, a grizzled Yazidi guide seated himself in the front of our vehicle and explained the route ahead to the YPG fighters inside as we set off.

"Be careful, and drive fast," a Yazidi fighter shouted as we left. "IS keeps shooting at the road, with mortars and Dushkas."

The "safe corridor" the YPG had carved through the heart of Islamic State territory was far less secure than we had realized. With the desert roads firmly under Islamic State control, the YPG had ploughed a track through the desert with a bulldozer, for a few miles at least. The bullet-riddled bulldozer abandoned in the desert marked the end of that track, and the beginning of a difficult breakneck dash across shifting desert sands to the foot of the Sinjar range.

Where is the Islamic State from here, I asked the guide. The YPG fighters laughed.

"Right here, now, belongs to YPG. But everywhere around is the Islamic State. That village there," the guide said, pointing to a cluster of mud brick huts a kilometer or so to our left. "That is the Islamic State. And that village there is the Islamic State," he added, pointing to an identical-looking village the same distance to our right. "Everywhere is the Islamic State."

everywhere-around-is-the-islamic-state-on-the-road-in-iraq-with-the-ypg-body-image-1408142352.jpg


The YPG opened an emergency route to Sinjar for refugees through ISIS-held Iraqi desert. Lorries of Yazidi refugees are thrown food as they reach the unofficial Syrian border at the end of the desert crossing.

everywhere-around-is-the-islamic-state-on-the-road-in-iraq-with-the-ypg-body-image-1408142362.jpg


A Yazidi guide discusses the route through the desert with Syrian Kurdish fighters.

As the SUV struggled across the desert, lashed by plumes of sand, the fighters played cheery YPG anthems on full blast, smoking incessantly and squinting at approaching vehicles, visibly relaxing when they realized they were YPG. The guide urged the driver this way and that onto firmer ground, past empty-looking huts and through Arab oasis hamlets of dubious loyalties. Every half mile or so, isolated forts straight from old foreign legion movies loomed out of the desert, fluttering YPG flags or banners emblazoned with the portrait of Abdullah Ocalan, the PKK leader still imprisoned in Turkey on terrorism charges. Gun trucks sat pointed at the hostile desert surrounding us. The sun was setting, and we needed to reach the mountain — fast.

Towards the end of the desert track, the YPG stopped at a lone peshmerga outpost for water, to a visibly cold reception. The peshmerga made polite small talk as the YPG washed the dust from their faces with a hose. The corridor had widened by this point, with a buffer zone of YPG-held villages securing the road. On the horizon to our right, a boom and a cloud of dust marked an Islamic State artillery strike. The fighters peered at the Islamic State-held village on the hilltop beyond with vague interest before setting off again, turning the stereo on full and blasting out PKK songs, clapping along and laughing, the peshmerga regarding us with stony faces. The rival Kurdish groups may have joined together to fight the IS enemy, but there's little affection between them.

At the foot of Mount Sinjar, an accompanying minivan transporting Western aid workers, which had struggled all along the route, finally gave up and died. The fighters stood around discussing what to do. The little convoy was led by a female commander called Evin, who I was told had been sent to Syria by the PKK high command in Turkey's Mount Qandil.

"Put them in another truck," urged the Yazidi guide. "We'll reach the top soon, it'll be safer there. It's dark already, and it's bad to travel back through the desert at night."

A huddle of YPG fighters stood in a knot around Evin and loudly voiced their differing opinions as she struggled to make a decision. What little light was left had gone. As the fighters argued, a stream of bright lights became visible crawling down from the mountain. An unarmed convoy of trucks driven by Syrian Kurdish volunteers had been combing the mountain looking for Yazidi refugees to bring to safety. They hadn't found any, they said.

"There is no one there, no one," one told me. "They have all gone."

Whether or not this was true, it provided Evin with a solution. "There are no refugees anymore," she told me, "so there is no need for us to go to the top of the mountain. We must go back to Syria."

The convoy turned around, in a stream of brightly lit moving targets through the desert night, shedding vehicles as it went as they sank into the soft desert sand, their drivers cramming themselves into other trucks. "Is this an Arab village?" Evin asked suspiciously whenever we passed a hut. Flashlights flickered in our faces at the mobile YPG checkpoints that had sprung up along the route to watch for Islamic State movement. The slow-moving trucks at the rear of the convoy attracted Islamic State machinegun fire, and some halted for the night at a YPG fort as the Kurdish fighters shot back into the darkness, and others pressed on to Syria.

everywhere-around-is-the-islamic-state-on-the-road-in-iraq-with-the-ypg-body-image-1408140815.jpg


The YPG opened an emergency route to Sinjar for refugees through ISIS-held Iraqi desert.

everywhere-around-is-the-islamic-state-on-the-road-in-iraq-with-the-ypg-body-image-1408140860.jpg


A US Humvee in Syria, given to Iraq, captured by ISIS, then captured again by YPG.

Hours later, at Girke Lege, deep within Kurdish Syria, Evin sat watching activists sing patriotic songs in a circle as she waited for the last stragglers to be accounted for. Marquees decorated with posters of Ocalan's face had been set up to shelter Yazidi families, and a few dozen lay inside sleeping, surrounded by their meager possessions.

News had come that American troops had landed on the mountain to evacuate the last refugees, and that the British government had agreed to arm the Iraqi Kurds to fight the Islamic State.

"Look at this," an English-speaking doctor said, as a Humvee drove past, YPG scrawled on its front and back in yellow paint. "ISIS took this from the Iraqi army, and we took this from ISIS. It would be better if you give us weapons directly next time. Give us artillery and rockets and tanks and we will destroy ISIS in three days. Three days!"

He laughed, and clapped his hands, and walked away into the night.

https://news.vice.com/article/every...-iraq-with-ypg-fighters?utm_source=vicenewsfb
 

88m3

Fast Money & Foreign Objects
Joined
May 21, 2012
Messages
88,767
Reputation
3,706
Daps
158,092
Reppin
Brooklyn
slamic State group 'executes 700' in Syria

Activists say the killings of Sheitat tribesmen, many by beheading, happened over the last two weeks.

Last updated: 16 Aug 2014 19:30



2014813154253135734_20.jpg

Syrian opposition leaders have called on Western powers to conduct air strikes against the Islamic State [Al Jazeera]
The Islamic State group has executed 700 members of a tribe it has been battling in eastern Syria during the past two weeks, the majority of them civilians, a human rights monitoring group said.

The killing spree happend over the past two weeks in several villages of Sheitat in Deir Ezzor province, where the al-Sheitat tribe are from, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights group said on Saturday.

The silence of the international community is unbelievable. There is no excuse for them to keep a blind eye on what is happening in Syria.

Hadi al-Bahra, Syrian National Council leader



The group said many of the victims, who were Sheitat tribesmen, were reportedly beheaded after they were captured by the Islamic State, formerly known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria.

Among the members of the Sheitat tribe killed were 100 fighters, but the rest were civilians, the activist group said.

They were killed in the Ghranij, Abu Hamam and Kashkiyeh villages of the mainly IS-controlled province of Deir Ezzor, said the Observatory, which relies on a vast network of activists and medics on the ground for its information.

Observatory head Rami Abdel Rahman said that the fate of 1,800 other members of the tribe was unknown.

On Saturday, the opposition Syrian National Council (SNC) called on the United States and its allies to conduct air strikes within Syria against the Islamic State.

In a press conference, SNC leader Hadi al-Bahra accused the international community of double standards.

"The silence of the international community is unbelievable," he said. "There is no excuse for them to keep a blind eye on what is happening in Syria. We have reports supported by documents and videos that crimes in Deir Ezzor against humanity are being committed by IS on a daily basis".



Gruesome videos surfaced online purportedly to be of the beheadings in Sheitat. Some of those killed were said to be injured men who had fought against the IS group.

Reports suggested that the IS fighters dragged the victims from the nearby Hujein hospital and the New Medical Center in the neighboring al-Mayadeen City and before cutting off their heads.

The takeover of the town happened after failed negotiations between the two sides. Sheitat tribe elders had openly refused to pledge allegiance to the rule of the IS.

Last Sunday, one Sheitat tribal leader urged all IS fighters to repent to God and abandon the group. He called on IS fighters to follow the religion of mercy and abandon what he described as "the cattle of the deviant".

The tribesmen then killed some IS fighters and displayed their bodies in Sheitat.

In a separate development on Saturday, at least 22 people were killed when a car bomb went off in a southern Syrian province controlled by armed rebels fighting President Bashar al-Assad.

The explosion on Saturday happened in front of a mosque in the rebel-controlled town of Namar in Deraa Province.

Activists told Al Jazeera that women and at least one child were among the dead.

http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middl...p-executes-700-syria-2014816123945662121.html
 

88m3

Fast Money & Foreign Objects
Joined
May 21, 2012
Messages
88,767
Reputation
3,706
Daps
158,092
Reppin
Brooklyn
On a Helicopter, Going Down: Inside a Lethal Crash in Iraq
By ALISSA J. RUBINAUG. 16, 2014

Continue reading the main storySlide Show
20140817-ALISSA-slide-H8ZM-jumbo.jpg

SLIDE SHOW|10 Photos
A Rescue Mission’s Harrowing End
A Rescue Mission’s Harrowing End

CreditAdam Ferguson for The New York Times


Continue reading the main storyShare This Page
  • Tuesday’s helicopter crash on Mount Sinjar, what would I have written about the plight of the Yazidis?

    Continue reading the main story
    RELATED COVERAGEI would have started, I guess, with this mountain that everybody is talking about, to which the Yazidis have fled. It’s hard to overstate the size of this mountain, which is such a sacred place to the Yazidis, and the place they went to escape the terror that the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria has been inflicting on them. It’s really more of a range than an individual mountain — 60 miles long, 5,000 feet high — and it is no wonder the relief operation, which riveted much of the world, posed such challenges.

    Photo
    17alissa-web-master315.jpg

    Alissa J. Rubin, a Times reporter, on the left, and Vian Dakhil, a Yazidi lawmaker.CreditAdam Ferguson for The New York Times
    Then I would have written about our pilot, Maj. Gen. Majid Ahmed Saadi, a veteran Iraqi Arab officer helping the Kurds rescue the Yazidis. Adam Ferguson, our photographer, and I were waiting all day at the Kurdish military base in Fishkhabour, Iraq, for a helicopter to take us to Mount Sinjar. General Majid came in from his first run up the mountain with a full load of Yazidi refugees, and a British television journalist said to him, “Why are you taking such risks overloading your helicopter like that?”

    He just said, “I checked my numbers, I checked the weight, and it was possible to do it.”

    Also waiting with us was a Yazidi member of Parliament, Vian Dakhil, whose heart-rending speech in the Iraqi Parliament on Aug. 5 really touched people. She seemed very together, very organized (although she was inexplicably wearing high heels), and, of course, passionate about her people’s plight.

    When we finally got in the helicopter, it was 3:45 p.m., not a lot of daylight left. I had a seat on a load of bread, behind one of the door gunners. Otherwise, there were no seats, no seatbelts; it was the kind of flight the United States military would never have allowed.

    The helicopter was full of bread, and probably bullets, too: bread for the Yazidis and bullets for the base of Kurdish pesh merga fighters on top of the mountain.

    The pilot really made a big impression. You know, the Yazidis feel so betrayed by the Arab neighbors they had lived among for so many years; they all turned on the Yazidis when ISIS came. Many of the atrocities were carried out not by the militants but by their own neighbors.

    Yet here was General Majid, an Iraqi Arab himself, who was taking off from his own job — he was in charge of training for the Iraqi air force — to help these people.

    He told me it was the most important thing he had done in his life, the most significant thing he had done in his 35 years of flying.

    It was as if it gave his whole life meaning; he was especially moved by all the Yazidi children.

    The top priority was to get food up there. There were many places where there had been no airdrops of food at all, so these drops by the Kurdish authorities were really important.

    When we were nearing the top of the mountain, people were gathered already. I remember one mother holding her son by the hand on one side, her daughter on the other, and they were trying to stay upright in the downdraft from the rotors so they could push forward to climb aboard. And they did make it on.

    One older woman’s face sticks in my mind; it was very rough and tremendously sad.

    We were on the ground only about 10 minutes. The Yazidis were battered. Some older people were barefoot, legs swollen from walking; others were just totally dehydrated; and children sunburned. The kids — a lot of them — were crying, afraid and confused, and others were silent, just frightened.

    When we landed, it was almost scary, with people thronging to get to us. All these people just wanting to get onto the helicopter and off this mountain. And I’m sure most of them had never seen a helicopter up close. One woman’s legs were so swollen she had to be carried in a sling by several men.

    So many climbed into the helicopter, coming up the rear loading ramp, the crew couldn’t get the ramp closed. So they had to reopen it and make people get off.

    When they tried to take off, they couldn’t and had to set the helicopter back down.

    Then there was this sad moment: They pulled this woman and her two children off the helicopter. They were crying. The mother was quite thin.

    The pilot was just so moved by all this. He wanted to help all these people, especially the children.

    Then General Majid took off. But you could see he was going to use the downward slope of the mountain to aid in the takeoff, until he could build up enough lift. The nose of the helicopter was pointing downhill as the flight started.

    I felt the helicopter hit something; later, someone said it was a rock. I thought the pilot would right it, but then I saw the ground come up. I didn’t know what would happen, but I knew it was bad.

    Later, someone told me the co-pilot shut off the fuel when they lost control, which made us stall. Otherwise, it might have caught fire and exploded.

    When we went down, I thought, all right, we’re on a mountain, it’ll slide a long way before it stops. Stuff fell on me; I didn’t know if they were people or things. Then Ms. Dakhil landed on top of me.

    Everyone was groaning. There were no screams, but everyone was groaning. Adam was great. He dragged me out of the helicopter, as I couldn’t possibly walk. Adam wrapped his scarf around my head to stop the bleeding.

    A pesh merga soldier took off his kaffiyeh and wrapped my arms together so that they wouldn’t flap around. I thought it was really sweet at the time, but then I realized how sensible it was: He was immobilizing my arms because both my wrists were broken.

    Just before dark, a rescue helicopter came.

    Several people picked me up and carried me aboard in a very inexpert fashion; that really hurt, unfortunately. I heard myself groan like everybody else. At that moment, it just hurt so much. But then I thought, that’s good. At least I’m alive.

    I bet a lot of them are not.

    How is the pilot? Did he make it? He just wanted to help.

    About 25 Yazidis, as well as five crew members, five Kurdish politicians and four Western journalists, were aboard the Mi-17, a Russian-made transport helicopter. Nearly all were wounded, although none as seriously as Ms. Rubin. Ms. Dakhil was also evacuated to Istanbul, with both legs and several ribs broken.

    The only person to die in the crash was the pilot, General Majid.
  • http://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/17/w...0000&bicmet=1420088400000&_r=2&abt=0002&abg=0
 

88m3

Fast Money & Foreign Objects
Joined
May 21, 2012
Messages
88,767
Reputation
3,706
Daps
158,092
Reppin
Brooklyn
10751514_10152542005901936_10152541984871936_36976_586_b.jpg



117,234 views
FRANCE 24
Kawsar, 24 ans, rêve de combattre l'État islamique

See translation
 
Top