Mirin4rmfar
Superstar
I am a c00n for not supporting this bullshyt. Fo ye te fann bouda yo a bal.
I was somehat of a Jovenel supporter until he turned down the China deal. Granted i dont know what was in the deal itself but I thought it was time we stop handing our contracts to US, France and Canada and went in a different direction.
HOWEVER i still wanted to see him finish his term. Especially with the electrical grid project. Haitians have to start getting into the habit peaceful turnover of the presidency. We cant keep destroying the damn country every time we have a president we dont like. When it's not the military overthrowing the president it's the people tearing down the place. The french people can afford to replace all their shyt after they burn it down to the ground protesting. We dont have that kind of budget.
But perhaps since we were born out of violent revolution and that's just who we are. Having seen it first hand when i was a kid (86-92) ..It's not a way to live but oh well. "Koupé têt Boulé kay " lives on
By that i meant that's what's always worked for us from our inception in 1791 to Duvalier's ousting.That's not who we are. But sadly that's the way it has been and has to be. You have to do what you have to do,especially when you try to do it the right way by voting and they steal the elections. I agree with you about peaceful transitions of power. But people have been starving for so long. And they see they are getting fukked.
Elections when held are farcical, democracy pure fantasy, Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s tenure the exception to the longstanding rule.
He once said
“(t)he people of Haiti want life, not death. They want peace, not violence. They want democracy, not repression.”
US colonization of the country denies them their fundamental rights – an entire population subjugated by Washington, suffering under its imperial boot.
Haiti is the region’s poorest country, its per capita income a small fraction of the Latin and Central American average, the vast majority of its people deeply impoverished, living on less than $2 a day, many less than $1.25 a day, affected by malnutrition, diarrheal and other diseases, along with overall severe deprivation.
Instead of improving, things keep deteriorating. Life expectancy is 57 years – compared to the Latin and Central American average of 69 years.
Most Haitians are illiterate. Only about one-fifth of secondary-age children attend school. One-fourth or less of the population has access to safe water.
Millions of Haitians are food insecure. According to Mission Belem’s Renata Lopez,
“(t)here are many, many problems in Haiti (including) lack of good water, lack of electricity, and hunger,” adding:
Hunger is most serious “because most of the people (have no jobs), and if they don’t work, there aren’t enough meals in a day. They can’t manage the situation with their families.”
Hunger, malnutrition, slow starvation for many, mass unemployment, and repression are state-sponsored national calamities. Mission Belem calls the country “chronically hungry.”
According to the World Food Program’s State of Food Insecurity in the World report, over half of Haitians are malnourished, many severely. It’s the key contributing factor to low life expectancy, along with untreated or poorly treated illnesses and diseases.
What’s heard daily in Haiti is people saying “I am hungry,” the misery most of its people endure.
In February 2017, Jovenel Moise succeeded US puppet/provisional Haitian president Jocelerme Privert. Turnout was 18%. The vast majority of Haitians boycotted the farcical process.
Moise is Washington’s man in Port-au-Prince. Reviled by Haitians, many thousands are protesting against him, demanding he resign, public anger in the country continuing since last summer over intolerable conditions, deep corruption, and repressive rule.
One protestor earlier said if the president refuses to resign,
“we will cut off the roads and burn everything, because we have nothing else to lose.”
Ongoing protests in Port-au-Prince and other cities caused at least eight deaths since January, hundreds injured, scores arrested, vehicles burned, a police station and businesses attacked, parts of the nation paralyzed – forcing closure of public offices, schools and enterprises.
February 7 marked the second anniversary of Moise’s tenure. He may not be around for a third of his five-year term.
Last year he survived an assassination attempt during a public event. Violence rocked Haiti last summer and fall, expressing public anger over Moise’s rule – millions taking to the streets nationwide.
They began over so-called PetroCaribe account plundering of around $3.8 billion, a fund established to finance schools, hospitals, clinics, and roads, lost to massive corruption.
Opposition leader Moise Jean Charles said
“protests will continue until Moise resigns. If (he) does not…step down from power, we are going to name an interim president in the coming days.”
A so-called Core Group comprised of the UN special representative in Haiti, envoys from the US, EU, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Spain, and OAS sided with the despotic Moise regime over long-suffering Haitians, saying:
It “deplores the loss of life and property damage caused by the unacceptable acts of violence that took place on the margins of the rallies, while acknowledging the professionalism demonstrated by the Haitian National Police” – ignoring how repressively they operate, serving privileged interests over beneficial social change.
Protests show no signs of ebbing. Moise’s days may be numbered. Staying or leaving won’t change a thing.
Haitians suffer under Washington’s imperial grip and despotic rule, Aristide’s tenure the exception to the rule.
The nation’s ruling authorities are installed to serving Western interests, ordinary Haitians exploited for profit, suffering from the scourge of imperial dominance.
A Final Comment
In February 2017, the Trump regime turned truth on its head, saying the
“inauguration of a democratically-elected president allows Haiti to return to democratic and constitutional rule.”
The hypocrisy needs no elaboration. Rigged Haitian elections have no legitimacy, a reality ignored by Republicans and undemocratic Dems.
The contrast with what’s going on in Venezuela is stark, its democratically elected and reelected President Maduro declared illegitimate by Trump regime hardliners – going all-out to topple him, perhaps by military intervention if ongoing tactics fail.
Note: What have the NYT and rest of US major media reported about Venezuela – plenty almost daily since Trump illegally recognized usurper in waiting Guaido interim (puppet) president, their reporting entirely one-sided, supporting the coup attempt.
What have they reported about Haitian suffering, rigged elections and despotic rule – practically nothing. Rare reports repeat the official narrative.
I could get behind Moïse Jean-Charles as president but the tricky thing about anyone who becomes president is they seem to suddenly turn to American puppets. A lot of it has to do with all these rethread cabinet members they bring in.If Jean Charles wants power he should wait his turn. He was third in election.
Can you explain or post some links about what the clintons have done? Not denying it at all, trying to educate myself brehAnd the Clinton's are the ones managing the rape of Haiti for the cacs in power.
All you Democrat voting c00ns need to look at this and see what voting for Democrats got black people In Haiti.
fukk a Democrat, Republican,Trump,Obama,Clinton or whatever CHARACTER they push out next.
POWER TO THE MOTHAfukkING PEOPLE ONLY
I could get behind Moïse Jean-Charles as president but the tricky thing about anyone who becomes president is they seem to suddenly turn to American puppets. A lot of it has to do with all these rethread cabinet members they bring in.
But whoever it is i'm good. I just want peace and steady progress.
THE CRISIS WON’T BE SOLVED BY MOÏSE’S DEPARTURE, WHICH APPEARS IMMINENT.
Despite fierce repression, massacres, a bogus election, and three coups d’état, that uprising culminated in the remarkable political revolution of Dec. 16, 1990, when anti-imperialist liberation theologian Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected President in a land-slide and then, declaring Haiti’s “second independence,” inaugurated on Feb. 7, 1991.
At a time when Nicaragua’s Sandinistas and the Soviet Union had just been vanquished, the Haitian people defeated Washington’s election engineering for the first time in Latin America since Salvador Allende’s victory in Chile two decades earlier. Haiti’s example inspired a young Venezuelan army officer, Hugo Chavez, to adopt the same play book, and hence began a “pink tide” of political revolutions via elections across South America.
Just as Washington had fomented a coup against Aristide on Sep. 30, 1991, it carried out a similar one against Chavez on Apr. 11, 2002. But the latter was thwarted after two days by the Venezuelan people and army’s rank-and-file.
Despite this victory, Chavez understood that Venezuela’s 1998 political revolution that had brought him to power could not survive alone, that Washington would use its vast subversion machinery and economic might to wear down his project to build “21st century socialism” in Venezuela, and that his revolution had to build bridges to and set an example for his Latin American neighbors, who were also under Uncle Sam’s thumb.
CHAVEZ BEGAN AN UNPRECEDENTED EXPERIMENT IN SOLIDARITY AND CAPITAL SEEDING, THE PETROCARIBE ALLIANCE.
Thus, using Venezuela’s vast oil wealth, Chavez began an unprecedented experiment in solidarity and capital seeding, the PetroCaribe Alliance, which was launched in 2005 and eventually spread to 17 nations around the Caribbean and Central America. It provided cheap petroleum products and fabulous credit terms to member nations, throwing them an economic life-line when oil was selling for $100 per barrel.
By 2006, Washington had punished the Haitian people for twice electing Aristide (1990, 2000) with two coups d’état (1991, 2004) and two foreign military occupations, handled by the United Nations. The Haitian people had managed to win a sort of stalemate, by electing René Préval (an early Aristide ally) as president.
On the day of his May 14, 2006 inauguration, Préval signed up for the PetroCaribe deal, greatly vexing Washington, as outlined by Haïti Liberté in its 2011 reporting using WikiLeaks-obtained U.S. secret diplomatic cables. After two years of struggle, Préval eventually got Venezuelan oil and credit, but Washington made sure to punish him too. Following the Jan. 12, 2010 earthquake, the Pentagon, State Department, and Bill Clinton, with some flunkies from the Haitian elite, virtually took over the Haitian government, and in a November 2010 to March 2011 election process, they pushed out Préval’s presidential candidate, Jude Célestin, and put in their own, Michel Martelly.
From 2011 to 2016, the Martelly group went on to embezzle, misspend, and misplace the lion’s share of the capital account known as the PetroCaribe Fund, which had basically kept Haiti afloat since its creation in 2008.
Martelly also used the money to help his protégé, Jovenel Moïse, come to power on Feb. 7, 2017. Unfortunately for Moïse (having come to power just as Donald Trump did), he was about to become collateral damage in Washington’s escalating war against Venezuela.
Surrounded by a gaggle of anti-communist neo-cons, Trump immediately stepped up hostility against the Bolivarian Republic, slapping far-ranging economic sanctions on Nicolas Maduro’s government. Haiti was already in arrears in its payments to Venezuela, but the U.S. sanctions now made it impossible to pay their PetroCaribe oil bill (or gave them a golden excuse), and the Haiti PetroCaribe deal effectively ended in October 2017.
Life in Haiti, which was already extremely difficult, now became untenable. With the Venezuelan crude spigot now closed, Washington’s enforcer, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), told Jovenel he had to raise gas prices, which he tried to do on Jul. 6, 2018. The result was a three-day popular explosion which was the precursor to today’s revolt.
At about the same time, a mass movement began asking what had happened to the $4 billion in Venezuelan oil revenues which Haiti had received over the previous decade. “Kote kòb PetroCaribe a?” – “Where’s the PetroCaribe money?” – growing thousands of demonstrators asked. The PetroCaribe Fund was supposed to pay for hospitals, schools, roads, and other social projects, but the people saw virtually nothing accomplished. Two 2017 Senate investigations confirmed that the money had been mostly diverted into other pockets.
So, what was the straw that broke the camel’s back? It was the treachery of Jovenel Moïse against the Venezuelans after their exemplary solidarity. On Jan. 10, 2019, in a vote at the Organization of American States (OAS), Haiti voted in favor of a Washington-sponsored motion to say that Nicolas Maduro was “illegitimate,” after he won over two-thirds of the vote in a May 2018 election.
IT IS FITTING THAT U.S. AGGRESSION AGAINST VENEZUELA’S BOLIVARIAN REVOLUTION HAS CREATED A CASCADE OF UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES AND BLOWBACK.
Already, Haitians were angry about the unbridled corruption, hungry from skyrocketing inflation and unemployment, and frustrated from years of false promises and foreign military humiliation and violence. But this spectacularly cynical betrayal by Jovenel and his cronies, in an attempt to win Washington’s help to rescue them from or put out the growing fires beneath them, was the last straw.
Surprised and paralyzed by its lack of options (and its own internal squabbles), Washington is now watching with horror the not-so-sudden collapse of the rotten political and economic edifice it has built in Haiti over the past 28 years since its first coup d’état against Aristide in 1991 until its latest “electoral coup d’état” which brought Jovenel to power in 2017.
The U.S. Embassy is surely feverishly seeking to cobble together a stop-gap solution, using the UN, OAS, Brazil, Colombia, and the Haitian elite as their helpers. But the results are likely to be no more durable than they were in the late 1980s.
Ironically, it was Venezuelan solidarity which may have postponed for a decade the political hurricane now engulfing Haiti. It is also fitting that U.S. aggression against Venezuela’s Bolivarian revolution has created a cascade of unintended consequences and blowback, fed by the Haitian people’s deep sense of gratitude and recognition for Venezuela’s contribution to them, just as Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro often said that PetroCaribe was given “to repay the historic debt that Venezuela owes the Haitian people.”
the people vs the core group, Haitian elite, Haitian police force, foreign forces, and Haitian american c00nsThe people of Haiti got that revolutionary spirit on lock brehs
Nothing but admiration