Haiti: Nearly a Million People Took to the Streets.They Want the Western-imposed government out of

[loyola llothta]

Kidnapping tonight by gangs during live church broadcast of Seventh Day Adventist Church in Diquini, #Haiti. Terrifying testimony to lack of respect for rule of law and moral authority of #PHTK govt of @moisejovenel.

Another capture of live broadcast and kidnapping in Diquini, #Haiti tonight.

 

[loyola llothta]

All you need to know about Jimmy Cherizier aka Barbeque in #Haiti...that and search our timeline.

G9 gang chief & frmr officer w/Police Nationale d'Haiti (#PNH), Jimmy Cherizier alias Barbeque, led this military style raid into Bel Air against holdouts refusing to join his gang cartel in #Haiti. BBQ's role in La Saline massacre w/officials of the #PHTK govt is documented.

 

[loyola llothta]

Another state massacre / attack against the Belair section of #Haiti's capital. This is how they're preparing for another US-UN-OAS backed rigged election - attack anti-government strongholds. They burned people alive in their homes and shot several trying to flee the area.

Several residents of Belair #Haiti got on the radio last night to plead with the US and UN to stop massacring them. Their only crime is that they are LAVALAS members - the leftist party / movement of Jean Bertrand Aristide, and they oppose the criminal de facto puppet regime.

 

[loyola llothta]

Feminist organizations in #Haiti announced a big protest on April 3rd for respecting the constitution and against dictatorship as US/UN-backed Moïse refuses to step down after his mandate expired. He wants to change the constitution to give himself immunity after leaving office.

 

[loyola llothta]

After the 2004 coup in #Haiti, US troops were doing the killing in Bel Air. Then UN troops led by Lula's Brazil took over and massacred countless. Now it's the criminal puppet regime they fraudulently imposed, and their "gangs" armed with imported automatic weapons.

 

[loyola llothta]

HAITI’S CENTURY OF US COUPS, INVASIONS AND PUPPETS

Amidst mass protests against their US-backed dictator, Abby Martin covers how the US Empire has determined the destiny of the Haitian people for generations.

 

[loyola llothta]

RACIAL CAPITALISM AND THE BETRAYAL OF HAITI



Domination By Multinational Corporations And “Light-Skinned” Local Capitalists—That’s The Story Of Haiti As Illustrated By One Recent Event.

The day after his already paper-thin constitutional legitimacy completely eroded, Haitian President Jovenel Moïse gave significant amounts of the country’s land to a light-skinned tyc00n working with Coca-Cola.

According to most Haitian constitutional authorities and institutions, Moïse’s presidential mandate ended on Sunday, February 7, 2021. But the next day, Le Moniteur—the official journal of the Republic of Haiti—published a presidential decree gifting 8,600 hectares of the country’s agricultural land reserves to produce stevia, a main ingredient in Coca-Cola’s zero-sugar beverages.

Alongside land in the Artibonite and Plateau Central regions, Moïse put up US$18 million for a new Free Agro-Industrial Export Zone run by the Apaid family.

It is outrageous, notes civil society group Le Regroupement des Haïtiens de Montréal contre l’occupation d’Haïti, that the state would offer land to a firm producing for Coca-Cola rather than invest in local food production in a country where nearly 42 percent of the population, or four million people, are experiencing acute hunger.

Whether or not the officially named “Zone Franche Agro Industrielle d’Exportation de Savane Diane” moves forward, the decree is a stark example of “racial capitalism” in Haiti and why Washington and Ottawa have played a role in keeping Moïse in place. Unlike most Haitians, the Apaid family are not descendants of enslaved Africans. Born in the United States, André Apaid Jr. is a sweatshop owner of Lebanese background.

Apaid led the Group of 184—allegedly developed by the American International Republican Institute—in opposition to Jean Bertrand Aristide’s government. He also reportedly financed the paramilitary forces led by convicted drug smuggler Guy Philippe, whose attacks created the pretext for US, French and Canadian forces to oust Aristide in 2004 (days after Philippe told a local radio station in 2007 that Apaid funded his forces, the US Drug Enforcement Agency raided Philippe’s home in the south coast city of Les Cayes).

At the time of the coup, Apaid also financed and armed a gang in the impoverished community of Cité-Soleil led by Thomas “Labanye” Robinson to kill supporters of Fanmi Lavalas, a social-democratic political party formerly led by Aristide. American lawyer Thomas Griffin interviewed Cité Soleil leaders and police officers who said Apaid “bought” Labanyè with a payment of US$30,000. He also reportedly enabled Labanyè’s wife to travel to the US and “keeps police from arresting the gang leader.” Various professionals and businesspeople told Griffin that Apaid was “the real government in Haiti.”

During the 1991-1994 coup against Aristide, Apaid Jr.’s father, André Apaid Sr., was “one of the chief lobbyists in the US” for the military junta. Previously, Apaid Sr. was “close to dictator ‘Baby Doc’ Duvalier.”

During the regime of Jean-Claude Duvalier, Apaid Sr. founded Alpha Sewing. In the 1970s, with Haiti’s population cowed and economic prospects in the countryside dire, ‘Baby Doc’ developed a relatively thriving low-wage assembly sector. Alpha Sewing eventually became the biggest sweatshop operator in the country, and the firm was expectedly hostile to any effort to increase the minimum wage.

One of the richest men in Haiti, Apaid Jr. is a leader among the community of Middle Eastern descent that currently dominates the economy. Well-connected businesspeople of Haiti’s upper class including Gilbert Bigio, Sherif Kedar Abdallah, Reginald Boulos, Dimitri Craan and Reynold Deeb Saïeh work with North American and Dominican sweatshop owners, industrialists and other oligarchs. Apaid, for instance, was the prime Haitian subcontractor for Montreal-based t-shirt maker Gildan Activewear, which has a major presence in Haiti. In April 2009, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited an Apaid factory to tout its partnership with Gildan as an important model for Haitian economic development (Apaid was invited to a Canadian government conference on Haiti in Montréal attended by former Prime Minister Paul Martin a few years earlier).

Washington has been important to the descendants of Middle Easterners who dominate Haiti’s economy. Partly to supplant European influence, Washington facilitated Arab migration to Haiti in the late 1800s. At the start of the twentieth century, 60 percent of imported goods sold to the Haitian peasantry came from US manufacturers who supplied Syrian middlemen. When violence targeted the Syrian community US authorities advocated on their behalf.

One element driving the US-Arab migrant relationship in Haiti was that until the US rewrote Haiti’s Constitution in 1918, foreigners were restricted from owning land. This prompted some European businessmen, particularly Germans, to marry into prominent mixed-race families to be able to own property. But US capitalists were at a disadvantage compared to their European counterparts. US race politics deemed someone Black if they had just “one drop” of African blood. So even marrying an educated, upper class, mixed-race Haitian woman was considered unacceptable by most white US capitalists.

Indeed, American interests bypassed this dynamic by working with migrants from the Middle East—and this legacy of racism still explains much of what happens in Haiti today.

Jovenel Moïse needs to go. So does the “racial capitalist” system of local light-skinned oligarchs working with foreign powers who support his rule.

Link:
Racial Capitalism And The Betrayal Of Haiti - PopularResistance.Org

 

[loyola llothta]

Margaret Prescod of @sotrueradio & @womenstrike_us sets the record straight about G9 gang cartel chief fmr. policeman Jimmy Cherizier aka BBQ in #Haiti. https://drive.google.com/file/d/13mpjpS

 

[loyola llothta]

How does BBQ (Jimmy Cherizier) chief of G9 gangs lead a daylight attack on Bel Air on Good Friday, that same evening a G9 gang kidnaps a pastor & staff during a live broadcast, and the very next day BBQ holds a public press conference despite an outstanding arrest warrant?

 

[Henri Christophe]

Militant c00nery.

Our people different.

 

[loyola llothta]

I spoke on the Haitian-American and French “intellectuals” switching on they own people back in 2004 for white supremacy to support the coup. Here’s more details on this

learning that raoul peck sided with the western-backed factions in supporting the coup against aristide and doubled down on it with moloch tropical kinda put a slight damper on my interest in exterminate all the brutes lol

 

[loyola llothta]

Many of #Haiti's leading intellectuals opposed Aristide's call for reparations from France because intellectually they identified more closely with their former colonizers/enslavers than with their own people. They were instrumental in spreading lies that justified the 2004 coup.

 

[loyola llothta]

Old article. Here’s more on him.. all go back to the coup


“Moloch Tropical” by Raoul Peck: A Venomous Farce

June 23, 2010


President Jean de Dieu (Zinedine Soualem) and his wife (Sonia Rolland) are meant to represent former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and his wife, Mildred, in this bitter satire from Haitian director Raoul Peck.


Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, filled with heavy-handed smears of the exiled ex-president and those around him. The film has been and will continue to be acclaimed by supporters of the 2004 coup d’état against Aristide, which was orchestrated over the course of three years by the U.S., France and Canada in concert with Haiti’s bourgeoisie and former Haitian military and death-squad leaders.

So it was ironic that this fictional justification for the most bloody and illegal overthrow of a popular elected government in recent Latin American history was the “centerpiece” of this year’s Human Rights Watch International Film Festival in New York. Rather than analyzing and condemning Washington’s relentless destabilization of Haiti’s nascent and imperfect democracy, a campaign minutely dissected in Peter Hallward’s “Damming the Flood” (Verso, 2007), “Peck delivers a searing critique of a government corrupted by power and an individual driven mad by it,” trumpets Human Rights Watch.

The film, a variation on Aleksandr Sokurov’s film “Moloch” about Adolph Hitler, portrays the final day of unraveling of the regime and sanity of President Jean de Dieu (played by French actor Zinedine Soualem), a former priest from the slums known as “Ti Jean,” who sprinkles foreign languages in his speeches and is married to a Haitian-American lawyer (played by former French beauty-queen Sonia Rolland). Anyone even vaguely familiar with Haiti’s recent history sees that these characters represent Aristide, also known as “Titid,” and his wife Mildred Trouillot Aristide.

But Peck tries to obscure this parallel, doing what a Haitian proverb calls “voye roch kache men” (throw a rock then hide your hand). In interviews, he claims that Jean de Dieu is a composite of foreign and Haitian leaders and that the film a meditation on the corrupting influence of power in general. At the New York showing, as at other festivals, Peck cited Silvio Berlusconi, Vladimir Putin, Richard Nixon, George Bush, Jean-Claude Duvalier, and René Préval as his references. Hogwash. The film is 99% about Aristide and Peck’s problems with him.


THE TURGID “MOLOCH TROPICAL” SADLY DEMEANS THE OVERALL BODY OF PECK’S WORK



And what are those problems? Peck feels “betrayed” by Aristide, he said in remarks after the New York showing, whom he, like almost every other progressive Haitian intellectual, supported in the late 1980s and early 1990s when the priest emerged as the leader of the post-Duvalier democracy movement. Between the first Washington-backed coup d’état against him on Sep. 30, 1991 and the second on Feb. 29, 2004, Aristide made a number of political concessions, compromises, maneuvers, head feints, and what he called “jwèt entelijans” (games of intelligence) in an effort to outwit and wrestle with Washington’s “laboratory,” as Aristide calls the CIA-Pentagon nexus that undid him twice. Over the years, these compromises alienated many of Aristide’s former allies, who almost always speak of “betrayal.” Often, they are angry because Aristide did not name them to a government post or return their phone calls.

But for most Haitian leftists, Aristide’s cardinal sin was his agreement with President Bill Clinton to return to Haiti in 1994 on the shoulders of 20,000 U.S. troops, thereby facilitating the second foreign military occupation of Haiti in the 20th century after that of 1915 to 1934. (The “deal” quickly soured when Aristide reneged on plans to privatize Haiti’s state enterprises and slash state payrolls, which led the Clinton White House to push him out of office in February 1996 rather than allow him to recoup the three years he had spent in exile, as large segments of the Haitian people demanded.)

One might have thought that this violation of national sovereignty was the “betrayal” that Peck opposed on principle, but no. Peck agreed to become President Préval’s Culture Minister in 1997 under the continuing military occupation (then administered by the UN), which suggests his anti-occupation convictions were not all that strong.

Even more incoherent is Peck’s premise, stated after the film, that “Washington and Paris supported Aristide and pushed the opposition to make a deal with him up until three days before he left.” (By the way, Peck does not accept Aristide’s assertion that he was kidnapped by U.S. soldiers.) Throughout the film, Jean de Dieu’s wife warns him “Washington is going to drop you,” as if U.S. officials had been backing him until then. Reality is just the opposite. Washington did everything it could to thwart Aristide’s re-election in 2000 and began a diplomatic, economic, political and paramilitary “contra” campaign to unseat him even before he was sworn in on Feb. 7, 2001.

So, it is again ironic that the director exhumes every element of the 1991-94 and 2004-06 coup propaganda campaigns hatched in Washington and the Haitian bourgeoisie’s salons. Peck delights in garishly recreating all the discredited caricatures: “Aristide the demagogue,” “Aristide the mentally unbalanced,” “Aristide the mob mobilizer,” “Aristide the necklacer,” “Aristide the womanizer,” “Aristide the megalomaniac” etc. ad nauseam.

One of Peck’s first and frequently revisited targets in this ponderous film is Aristide’s 2003 demand that France repay Haiti some $21 billion for the “independence debt” of 90 million gold francs that Paris extorted from its former colony from 1824 to 1947. Perhaps Peck’s dogged ridiculing of this perfectly reasonable, legally sound, and widely hailed official call for reparations (the first by any former colony) has something to do with his recent appointment to head the French government’s prestigious film school, La Fémis?

We see Mother Theresa, a thinly-veiled version of Lavalas activist Annette “So An” Auguste, muster and give a pep talk to a crowd of lumpen thugs called chimères (chimera) to cries of “Koupe tèt, boule kay” (Cut of heads, burn houses!) before they go to bust up an opposition demonstration. These scenes imply that Aristide rallied artificial mobs to counter legitimate street protest. The opposite is true. Haiti’s poor, just as in Venezuela two years earlier, usually spontaneously organized to counter the coup d’état’s spearhead, the National Endowment for Democracy-spawned “civil society” front called the “Group of 184″, which was financed, coached and protected by the French and U.S. embassies.

We see a preening, oblivious African-American actor arrive and play the role of Toussaint L’Ouverture in a Palace play to honor Haiti’s independence anniversary, an obvious dig at Hollywood actor and Aristide defender Danny Glover, who performed in Haiti for the 2004 bicentennial.

A scene where President Jean de Dieu has one of his critics, a former friend, burned alive.

The U.S. and France-led boycott of those bicentennial celebrations was one of the saddest chapters of recent Haitian history. The only head of state to attend was South African President Thabo Mbeki. Peck makes fun of the difficulties Aristide faced as the noose tightened around him. A tough Jean de Dieu aide at one point barks at her assistant: “Get me whites! I need whites!” She is often seen complaining by cell phone to various U.S. officials about their diplomatic snub.

Jean de Dieu’s oppressed, captive, and unhappy wife just wants to escape to the U.S. with their daughter. The president treats her very badly, brushing aside advice and even an attempted caress. But here, as at other points, the film is inconsistent because it starts with a scene of the president longingly stroking the naked back of his sleeping wife, who is startled awake only to rebuff him.

The Aristide analogue is also a lascivious jerk who forces a reluctant maid to perform sexual favors for him. In fact, the president’s unbridled sexual appetite – he makes lewd remarks to the ersatz Glover’s female co-star on her arrival at the Palace – is one of the film’s main themes, lending it a moralizing air.

Later Jean de Dieu forgets to take his medication and begins to act aberrantly. In front of his wife and a room of dignitaries at a public state dinner, he starts to fondle and dance with the maid, prompting her boyfriend, a saxophone player, to leap off the stage where he is performing, only to be shot dead.

Then our Aristide stand-in runs around naked under the moon in the bush surrounding the Citadel, the mountain-top fortress built by Henri Christophe to repel a French invasion, where the parody is entirely set.

(CIA analyst Brian Latell, in concert with conservative North Carolina Senator Jesse Helms, started the later disproved rumor in October 1993 that Aristide was on psychiatric medication and had been treated for mental illness in a Canadian hospital as part of a disinformation campaign aimed at scuttling Aristide’s first projected return to Haiti on Oct. 30, 1993. It is shocking to see Peck resuscitate such calumnies.)

One hapless journalist (Jimmy Jean-Louis), a former friend of the president who wrote an unflattering editorial, is horribly tortured, then gussied up by a makeup artist to be brought to a private candlelight dinner with the president. But the tortured journalist refuses to budge from his principles and denounces the president to his face.

“You are not a monster,” the barely conscious journalist, his face scarred and swollen from torture, tells Jean de Dieu, as Peck would speak to Aristide. “A monster has some majesty. You gave the people hope. You soiled their dream. You wanted to be a prophet. You weren’t even a consistent monster. I would pity you, but I don’t know how.”

The president has his henchmen take the journalist outside and burn him alive with a tire around his neck, From atop the Citadel, Jean de Dieu looks down on the scene, lamenting: “My friend! My brother!”

This gives an idea of the director’s light touch in this interminable work of cinematic slander and vengeance.

Peck produced the film himself for about $600,000 so “I could say what I wanted and wouldn’t have to answer to anybody,” he said after the showing. However, it might have been a good idea if someone had helped him apply some brakes to his antipathy towards Aristide.

“I wanted to re-examine, with Shakespearian irony, the tragic and foolish nonsense of the past 40 years,”Peck said after the New York showing. I would argue that the past 40 years has not been “nonsense” at all. On the contrary, the Haitian people have waged a fierce and difficult struggle to uproot one of the hemisphere’s most ruthless dictatorships and hoisted to international prominence a parish priest who, for the first time, in communion with the Haitian people, foiled U.S. election engineering.

Granted, Aristide made plenty of mistakes, everybody agrees on that, even his fiercest partisans. But he certainly does not merit the outrageous portrayal he receives in this film which ultimately blames the two-time victim of US “regime change.”

In the end, the turgid “Moloch Tropical” sadly demeans the overall body of Peck’s work, which includes great films like “Lumumba” (2000) and “Man by the Shore” (1993). The director is now working on a film about the young Karl Marx. One certainly hopes that the result would not induce from Marx, were he alive, the famous exasperated remark Engels reports he made about some of his admirers: “All I know is that I am not a Marxist!”

Link:

“Moloch Tropical” by Raoul Peck: A Venomous Farce | Haiti Liberte

 

[The Amerikkkan Idol]

I spoke on the Haitian-American and French “intellectuals” switching on they own people back in 2004 for white supremacy to support the coup. Here’s more details on this

Damn

And my mother's been all up my ass to watch that "Exterminate All The Brutes" shyt too.

I guess I can miss that shyt with a clean conscience now

 

[loyola llothta]

Only fact important abt Raoul Peck is he actively advocated & lobbied 4 violent overthrow of #Haiti's elected govt as a member of G184/NON. He supported coup even as blood flowed in streets & it became clear guns of G. Philippe & J. Champlain were real power behind coup.