if a fetus isn't a human being thing we should be able to punch pregnant women in the stomach
I don't care about abortion but I think that's a really bad argument people love to make
Thats still assault
if a fetus isn't a human being thing we should be able to punch pregnant women in the stomach
I don't care about abortion but I think that's a really bad argument people love to make
that POV of getting slumped is wild
13% of the population for how many years now?
if a fetus isn't a human being thing we should be able to punch pregnant women in the stomach
I don't care about abortion but I think that's a really bad argument people love to make
Man whatif a fetus isn't a human being thing we should be able to punch pregnant women in the stomach
I don't care about abortion but I think that's a really bad argument people love to make
Fight to kill your babies bruhs. Another generation down the drain.
These folks are sex crazed and sick.
If someone wants to terminate the LIFE they created, I say they should be able to
Hearing that young bird’s shrill of a voice makes me happy that she’s for abortion.
if a fetus isn't a human being thing we should be able to punch pregnant women in the stomach
I don't care about abortion but I think that's a really bad argument people love to make
Thanks.. I almost honored this with a real responseBe an idiot brehs
Camera man wishing the dudes that slumped him would have been aborted
if a fetus isn't a human being thing we should be able to punch pregnant women in the stomach
I don't care about abortion but I think that's a really bad argument people love to make
it's all confusing to me which is why I say I don't care
Cause what we define as a human being changes so much like you say based on laws and jurisdictions
Summary
Many researchers have independently studied mortality rates for children in the past: in different societies, locations, and historical periods. The average across a large number of historical studies suggests that in the past around one-quarter of infants died in their first year of life and around half of all children died before they reached the end of puberty.
Since then the risk of death for children has fallen around the world. The global average today is 10 times lower than the average of the past. In countries with the best child health today an infant is 170 times more likely to survive.
Abstract
To better understand attachment from a cross-cultural and historical perspective, I have amassed over 200 cases from the ethnographic and archaeological records that reveal cultural models (D'Andrade and Strauss 1992) of infancy. The 200 cases represent all areas of the world, historical epochs from the Mesolithic to the present and all types of subsistence patterns (Appendix 1). The approach is inductive where cases with similar models of infancy are clustered into archetypes. My principal finding from this analysis is that, in the broadest overview, infants are, effectively, placed on probation and not immediately integrated into the society. Attachment failure is not seen as a potential problem but, rather, premature attachment to an infant whose existence may be fleeting is to be guarded against. Most societies view infants and even children as not-yet-persons. Infants are born into a state of liminality or incompleteness. Among the Wari, a baby is compared to unripe fruit as it is “still being made” (Conklin and Morgan 1996: 672) and the Nankani reserve judgment on the infant's humanity until they can be certain it is not a spirit or bush child (Denham et al 2010: 608). My presentation of results will first identify the main factors that give rise to delaying personhood and, second, to the cultural models which justify and guide the transformation of babies into persons. Variability in the way this non-personhood is characterized and in the steps that must occur to complete the process of constructing a person is great but not infinite. Hence, in the second half of the chapter, I will identify and discuss several archetypal cultural models of infancy.
Abstract
In recent years, the discipline of anthropology has neglected the long-standing “othering” of children and infants that found its way in past ethnographies. This recent development in the field has resulted in more inclusive and well-rounded ethnographic research and also the culmination of new theoretical questions, including that of the beginnings of personhood. This article explores personhood as it relates to one of the most precarious stages of life, most commonly referred to as the period of “infancy”, using examples from the fields of both philosophy and anthropology. More specifically, it seeks to expand on the cultural practices, ethics, and biological aspects that influence the onset of personhood and the concept of “self” in society.