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With all due disrespect...
General Trump Administration F**kery Thread (2017-2021)
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With all due disrespect...
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Edit: they should have mentioned how he's virtually exiled from his home town and multiple time bankrupted business owner
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88m3
Fast Money & Foreign Objects
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Fast Money & Foreign Objects
washingtonpost.com
Joint Chiefs chairman feared potential ‘Reichstag moment’ aimed at keeping Trump in power
Reis Thebault
6-8 minutes
In the waning weeks of Donald Trump’s term, the country’s top military leader repeatedly worried about what the president might do to maintain power after losing reelection, comparing his rhetoric to Adolf Hitler’s during the rise of Nazi Germany and asking confidants whether a coup was forthcoming, according to a new book by two Washington Post reporters.
As Trump ceaselessly pushed false claims about the 2020 presidential election, Gen. Mark A. Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, grew more and more nervous, telling aides he feared that the president and his acolytes might attempt to use the military to stay in office, Carol Leonnig and Philip Rucker report in “I Alone Can Fix It: Donald J. Trump’s Catastrophic Final Year.”
Milley described “a stomach-churning” feeling as he listened to Trump’s untrue complaints of election fraud, drawing a comparison to the 1933 attack on Germany’s parliament building that Hitler used as a pretext to establish a Nazi dictatorship.
President Donald Trump departs the White House to visit outside St. John's Church with officials including Gen. Mark A. Milley, right, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, on June 1, 2020. (Patrick Semansky/AP)
“This is a Reichstag moment,” Milley told aides, according to the book. “The gospel of the Führer.”
A spokesman for Milley declined to comment.
Portions of the book related to Milley — first reported Wednesday night by CNN ahead of the book’s July 20 release — offer a remarkable window into the thinking of America’s highest-ranking military officer, who saw himself as one of the last empowered defenders of democracy during some of the darkest days in the country’s recent history.
The episodes in the book are based on interviews with more than 140 people, including senior Trump administration officials, friends and advisers, Leonnig and Rucker write in an author’s note. Most agreed to speak candidly only on the condition of anonymity, and the scenes reported were reconstructed based on firsthand accounts and multiple other sources whenever possible.
The roots of former president Donald Trump’s power in the Republican Party can be traced back to the backlash following the 2008 election and financial crisis. (Blair Guild, JM Rieger/The Washington Post)
Milley — who was widely criticized last year for appearing alongside Trump in Lafayette Square after protesters were forcibly cleared from the area — had pledged to use his office to ensure a free and fair election with no military involvement. But he became increasingly concerned in the days following the November contest, making multiple references to the onset of 20th-century fascism.
After attending a Nov. 10 security briefing about the “Million MAGA March,” a pro-Trump rally protesting the election, Milley said he feared an American equivalent of “brownshirts in the streets,” alluding to the paramilitary forces that protected Nazi rallies and enabled Hitler’s ascent.
Late that same evening, according to the book, an old friend called Milley to express concerns that those close to Trump were attempting to “overturn the government.”
“You are one of the few guys who are standing between us and some really bad stuff,” the friend told Milley, according to an account relayed to his aides. Milley was shaken, Leonnig and Rucker write, and he called former national security adviser H.R. McMaster to ask whether a coup was actually imminent.
“What the f--- am I dealing with?” Milley asked him.
The conversations put Milley on edge, and he began informally planning with other military leaders, strategizing how they would block Trump’s order to use the military in a way they deemed dangerous or illegal.
If someone wanted to seize control, Milley thought, they would need to gain sway over the FBI, the CIA and the Defense Department, where Trump had already installed staunch allies. “They may try, but they’re not going to f---ing succeed,” he told some of his closest deputies, the book says.
In the weeks that followed, Milley played reassuring soothsayer to a string of concerned members of Congress and administration officials who shared his worries about Trump attempting to use the military to stay in office.
“Everything’s going to be okay,” he told them, according to the book. “We’re going to have a peaceful transfer of power. We’re going to land this plane safely. This is America. It’s strong. The institutions are bending, but it won’t break.”
In December, with rumors circulating that the president was preparing to fire then-CIA Director Gina Haspel and replace her with Trump loyalist Kash Patel, Milley sought to intervene, the book says. He confronted White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows at the annual Army-Navy football game, which Trump and other high-profile guests attended.
“What the hell is going on here?” Milley asked Meadows, according to the book’s account. “What are you guys doing?”
When Meadows responded, “Don’t worry about it,” Milley shot him a warning: “Just be careful.”
After the failed insurrection on Jan. 6, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) called Milley to ask for his guarantee that Trump would not be able to launch a nuclear strike and start a war.
“This guy’s crazy,” Pelosi said of Trump in what the book reported was mostly a one-way phone call. “He’s dangerous. He’s a maniac.”
Once again, Milley sought to reassure: “Ma’am, I guarantee you that we have checks and balances in the system,” he told Pelosi.
Less than a week later, as military and law enforcement leaders planned for President Biden’s inauguration, Milley said he was determined to avoid a repeat of the siege on the Capitol.
“Everyone in this room, whether you’re a cop, whether you’re a soldier, we’re going to stop these guys to make sure we have a peaceful transfer of power,” he told them. “We’re going to put a ring of steel around this city and the Nazis aren’t getting in.”
At Biden’s swearing-in on Jan. 20, Milley was seated behind former president Barack Obama and former first lady Michelle Obama, who asked the general how he was feeling.
“No one has a bigger smile today than I do,” Milley replied. “You can’t see it under my mask, but I do.”
Joint Chiefs chairman feared potential ‘Reichstag moment’ aimed at keeping Trump in power
Reis Thebault
6-8 minutes
In the waning weeks of Donald Trump’s term, the country’s top military leader repeatedly worried about what the president might do to maintain power after losing reelection, comparing his rhetoric to Adolf Hitler’s during the rise of Nazi Germany and asking confidants whether a coup was forthcoming, according to a new book by two Washington Post reporters.
As Trump ceaselessly pushed false claims about the 2020 presidential election, Gen. Mark A. Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, grew more and more nervous, telling aides he feared that the president and his acolytes might attempt to use the military to stay in office, Carol Leonnig and Philip Rucker report in “I Alone Can Fix It: Donald J. Trump’s Catastrophic Final Year.”
Milley described “a stomach-churning” feeling as he listened to Trump’s untrue complaints of election fraud, drawing a comparison to the 1933 attack on Germany’s parliament building that Hitler used as a pretext to establish a Nazi dictatorship.
President Donald Trump departs the White House to visit outside St. John's Church with officials including Gen. Mark A. Milley, right, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, on June 1, 2020. (Patrick Semansky/AP)
“This is a Reichstag moment,” Milley told aides, according to the book. “The gospel of the Führer.”
A spokesman for Milley declined to comment.
Portions of the book related to Milley — first reported Wednesday night by CNN ahead of the book’s July 20 release — offer a remarkable window into the thinking of America’s highest-ranking military officer, who saw himself as one of the last empowered defenders of democracy during some of the darkest days in the country’s recent history.
The episodes in the book are based on interviews with more than 140 people, including senior Trump administration officials, friends and advisers, Leonnig and Rucker write in an author’s note. Most agreed to speak candidly only on the condition of anonymity, and the scenes reported were reconstructed based on firsthand accounts and multiple other sources whenever possible.
The roots of former president Donald Trump’s power in the Republican Party can be traced back to the backlash following the 2008 election and financial crisis. (Blair Guild, JM Rieger/The Washington Post)
Milley — who was widely criticized last year for appearing alongside Trump in Lafayette Square after protesters were forcibly cleared from the area — had pledged to use his office to ensure a free and fair election with no military involvement. But he became increasingly concerned in the days following the November contest, making multiple references to the onset of 20th-century fascism.
After attending a Nov. 10 security briefing about the “Million MAGA March,” a pro-Trump rally protesting the election, Milley said he feared an American equivalent of “brownshirts in the streets,” alluding to the paramilitary forces that protected Nazi rallies and enabled Hitler’s ascent.
Late that same evening, according to the book, an old friend called Milley to express concerns that those close to Trump were attempting to “overturn the government.”
“You are one of the few guys who are standing between us and some really bad stuff,” the friend told Milley, according to an account relayed to his aides. Milley was shaken, Leonnig and Rucker write, and he called former national security adviser H.R. McMaster to ask whether a coup was actually imminent.
“What the f--- am I dealing with?” Milley asked him.
The conversations put Milley on edge, and he began informally planning with other military leaders, strategizing how they would block Trump’s order to use the military in a way they deemed dangerous or illegal.
If someone wanted to seize control, Milley thought, they would need to gain sway over the FBI, the CIA and the Defense Department, where Trump had already installed staunch allies. “They may try, but they’re not going to f---ing succeed,” he told some of his closest deputies, the book says.
In the weeks that followed, Milley played reassuring soothsayer to a string of concerned members of Congress and administration officials who shared his worries about Trump attempting to use the military to stay in office.
“Everything’s going to be okay,” he told them, according to the book. “We’re going to have a peaceful transfer of power. We’re going to land this plane safely. This is America. It’s strong. The institutions are bending, but it won’t break.”
In December, with rumors circulating that the president was preparing to fire then-CIA Director Gina Haspel and replace her with Trump loyalist Kash Patel, Milley sought to intervene, the book says. He confronted White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows at the annual Army-Navy football game, which Trump and other high-profile guests attended.
“What the hell is going on here?” Milley asked Meadows, according to the book’s account. “What are you guys doing?”
When Meadows responded, “Don’t worry about it,” Milley shot him a warning: “Just be careful.”
After the failed insurrection on Jan. 6, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) called Milley to ask for his guarantee that Trump would not be able to launch a nuclear strike and start a war.
“This guy’s crazy,” Pelosi said of Trump in what the book reported was mostly a one-way phone call. “He’s dangerous. He’s a maniac.”
Once again, Milley sought to reassure: “Ma’am, I guarantee you that we have checks and balances in the system,” he told Pelosi.
Less than a week later, as military and law enforcement leaders planned for President Biden’s inauguration, Milley said he was determined to avoid a repeat of the siege on the Capitol.
“Everyone in this room, whether you’re a cop, whether you’re a soldier, we’re going to stop these guys to make sure we have a peaceful transfer of power,” he told them. “We’re going to put a ring of steel around this city and the Nazis aren’t getting in.”
At Biden’s swearing-in on Jan. 20, Milley was seated behind former president Barack Obama and former first lady Michelle Obama, who asked the general how he was feeling.
“No one has a bigger smile today than I do,” Milley replied. “You can’t see it under my mask, but I do.”
washingtonexaminer.com
Be wary of the Russian national security council 'leak'
by Tom Rogan, Commentary Writer | | July 15, 2021 03:28 PM
4-5 minutes
In 1963, the first director of the CIA, Allen Dulles, described the Soviet KGB as "an instrument for subversion, manipulation and violence, for secret intervention in the affairs of other countries."
That description applies equally well today to the Russian big three intelligence services: the SVR, the GRU, and the FSB. Dulles's words bear remembering in light of the Guardian's reporting on Thursday of a possible leak of Kremlin documents.
Not just any documents, but notes from a Jan. 22, 2016, meeting of the Russian national security council. The notes suggest that this meeting was used to authorize and orient a priority effort to secure Donald Trump's election as president. Describing Trump as "mentally unstable," the notes include an assertion that Russia possessed compromising material on Trump that would allow for his manipulation. His victory in November 2016 was thus to be pursued with "all possible force."
What are we to make of this "leak"?
For a start, the notes have some prima facie credibility. The U.S. intelligence community has now assessed with high confidence that Russia acted to assist Trump's 2016 election (far less clear is how much influence the Russian effort actually had on the final result). The style and language of the notes also match well to Russian security form. They may be legitimate.
But the notes ring some alarm bells.
First, while there was indeed a Russian national security council meeting on the date in question, it is highly unlikely that so many eligible council members would have been included in it. While they were at the time (and, in interior minister Vladimir Kolokoltsev and Federation Council Chairwoman Valentina Matviyenko's cases, still are), participants in most council meetings (Boris Gryzlov, Kolokoltsev, and Matviyenko) are unlikely to have been included in such a sensitive meeting. While Matviyenko is Russia's equivalent politician to the speaker of the House, I understand that her practical national security role is insignificant. Similarly, Kolokoltsev occupies his office largely as a reward for his l oyalty in providing police cover for the corruption antics of Russian President Vladimir Putin's "siloviki" inner circle.
The key point is that a meeting to orchestrate the aggressive manipulation of the 2016 U.S. presidential election would have been very tightly controlled. It would have likely been limited to Putin, then-chief of staff Sergei Ivanov, national security adviser Nikolai Patrushev, defense minister and GRU-overseer Sergei Shoygu, SVR Director Sergey Naryshkin, FSB Director Alexander Bortnikov, and perhaps also Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. Putin regards operational security as a preeminent personal and professional concern. He would have wanted present only those officials who absolutely needed to be there.
Second, the Guardian says the notes are classified only at the Russian "secret"-equivalent level. That's noteworthy because it is highly unlikely such notes would be classified at anything other than a Russian-equivalent top-secret-compartmented caveat level. Notes of this kind would be very closely held from the moment of their inception. Moreover, recovering documents from the Kremlin's inner sanctum is not easy. It is for that reason that the most useful U.S. intelligence on Russia is collected from a few highly valued human sources and a massive signal intelligence effort.
Third, the Russian intelligence services, the SVR in particular, are masters at creating credible fictions. Russia would have the motive to create and leak these notes for a number of reasons. Perhaps to allow the notes to be refuted in the future, undermining prospective future criticism of a revitalized Trump. Perhaps to further inflame U.S. domestic political disputes over Trump's presidency, Russia, and Russiagate. Perhaps simply for amusement (Kremlin dark humor is real).
Top line: These notes may be legitimate leaks. Or they may be a concoction of fictions. Or they may be a mix of both. We just don't know.
88m3
Fast Money & Foreign Objects
https://www.cnbc.com/2021/07/20/tho...naugural-fund-arrested-on-federal-charge.html
Trump ally Thomas Barrack arrested on federal charge
Published Tue, Jul 20 20212:34 PM EDTUpdated Moments Ago
Dan Mangan@_DanMangan
Kevin Breuninger@KevinWilliamB
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Key Points
- Thomas Barrack, who served as chairman of the 2017 inaugural fund for then-President Donald Trump, has been arrested on federal charges, several law enforcement officials told NBC News on Tuesday.
- The charges against Barrack, which apparently are not connected to the inauguration-related fund, are expected to be unsealed soon.
Thomas Barrack, chairman and chief executive officer of Colony Capital Inc., gestures while speaking during the closing reception at the Milken Institute Japan Symposium in Tokyo, Japan, on Monday, March 25, 2019. The conference brings together business leaders and government officials to discuss geopolitical, economic and social issues facing Japan. Photographer: Kiyoshi Ota/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Bloomberg | Bloomberg | Getty Images
Thomas Barrack, a private-equity investor who served as chairman of the 2017 inaugural fund for then-President Donald Trump, was arrested on federal charges in Los Angeles on Tuesday morning, several law enforcement officials told NBC News.
The charges against Barrack, which apparently are not connected to the inauguration-related fund, are expected to be unsealed soon.
Barrack, 74, is a longtime friend of Trump’s, and the founder of the large private equity firm Colony Capital.
Barrack stepped down at Colony Capital’s CEO in 2020, and in April resigned as executive chairman of the firm.
A spokeswoman for Trump did not immediately respond to CNBC’s request for comment on the arrest.
A spokesman for Barrack could not immediately be reached for comment.
This is breaking news. Please check back for updates.
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nytimes.com
Thomas Barrack, Trump Fund-raiser, Indicted on Lobbying Charge
Sharon LaFraniere, William K. Rashbaum
5-6 minutes
Mr. Barrack, who served as chairman of Donald Trump’s inaugural committee, was accused in the Eastern District of New York of failing to register as a lobbyist for the United Arab Emirates.
Credit...Patrick T. Fallon/Bloomberg
July 20, 2021, 3:04 p.m. ET
WASHINGTON — Thomas J. Barrack Jr., a close friend of former President Donald J. Trump and one of his top 2016 campaign fund-raisers, was indicted on Tuesday morning on federal charges of violating a federal law requiring lobbyists for foreign interests to disclose their work to the Justice Department.
Federal prosecutors and the F.B.I. have been investigating Mr. Barrack for nearly three years, focusing on whether he tried to sway Mr. Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign or his administration on behalf of Persian Gulf nations with huge stakes in United States policy.
The inquiry was overseen by prosecutors in the public integrity section of United States Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of New York. In an interview two years ago, a spokesman for Mr. Barrack said he had acted as an independent intermediary between Persian Gulf leaders and the Trump campaign and administration, not on behalf of foreign officials or entities.
The indictment charged Mr. Barrack and two other men with failing to register as agents of the United Arab Emirates government. The other two men charged were Matthew Grimes, a former top executive at Mr. Barrack’s company, and Rashid al-Malik Alshahhi, an Emirati businessman who is close to the U.A.E. rulers.
The seven count indictment also accused Mr. Barrack of obstruction of justice and making multiple false statements during a June 20, 2019, interview with federal agents.
The charges were announced by the United States Attorney in the Eastern District of New York, the Department of Justice’s National Security Division, and the F.B.I.
“The defendants repeatedly capitalized on Barrack’s friendships and access to a candidate who was eventually elected president, high-ranking campaign and government officials, and the American media to advance the policy goals of a foreign government without disclosing their true allegiances,” said Acting Assistant Attorney General Mark Lesko of the Justice Department’s National Security Division.
Mr. Barrack’s real estate and private equity firm, Colony Capital, benefited from substantial investments from Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E. In the three years after Mr. Trump became the Republican Party’s nominee for president in July 2016, Colony Capital received about $1.5 billion from those two Persian Gulf counties through investments or other transactions. Of that, about $474 million came from sovereign wealth funds controlled by their governments.
Mr. Barrack stepped down as the firm’s executive chairman in March. The firm was recently renamed DigitalBridge. According to a filing this month with Securities and Exchange Commission, Mr. Barrack owns ten percent of the firm and is one of its directors.
Mr. Barrack, 74, has been friends with Mr. Trump since the 1980s. He helped raise money for Mr. Trump’s first presidential campaign and ran his transition team after Mr. Trump won. But he was perhaps best known for leading Mr. Trump’s inaugural committee, which raised $107 million — the most money ever collected and spent to celebrate an inauguration.
Critics claimed the committee became a hub for peddling access to foreign officials or business leaders, or those acting on their behalf, but investigations by several local jurisdictions into the committee’s activities petered out with no charges filed.
The federal inquiry into Mr. Barrack’s ties with foreign leaders, reported by The New York Times in July 2019, was an outgrowth of the investigation led by Special Counsel Robert S. Mueller III in Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election.
The special counsel’s work put a spotlight on violations of the Foreign Agents Registration Act, known as FARA, and led a greater effort by the Justice Department to enforce it. The law requires those who work for foreign governments, political parties or other entities to influence American policy or public opinion to disclose their activities to the department.
Several former Trump aides who were charged by the special counsel acknowledged violating the statute in guilty pleas, including Paul Manafort, the former campaign chairman and Rick Gates, the deputy chairman. Mr. Mueller referred questions about Mr. Barrack to the U.S. Attorney’s office in Brooklyn, apparently because the allegations went beyond his investigative mandate.
In one incident reported by The New York Times, Mr. Barrack tried to coordinate what Mr. Trump would say in a May 2016 campaign speech about energy policy with his contacts in the Persian Gulf, including Mr. al-Malik Alshahhi, the Emirati businessman.
In an apparent reference to Mr. Barrack’s Persian Gulf contacts, Mr. Manafort asked him in an email about the speech: “Are you running this by our friends?”
Sharon LaFraniere reported from Washington and William K. Rashbaum from New York. Kitty Bennett contributed research.
Thomas Barrack, Trump Fund-raiser, Indicted on Lobbying Charge
Sharon LaFraniere, William K. Rashbaum
5-6 minutes
Mr. Barrack, who served as chairman of Donald Trump’s inaugural committee, was accused in the Eastern District of New York of failing to register as a lobbyist for the United Arab Emirates.
Credit...Patrick T. Fallon/Bloomberg
July 20, 2021, 3:04 p.m. ET
WASHINGTON — Thomas J. Barrack Jr., a close friend of former President Donald J. Trump and one of his top 2016 campaign fund-raisers, was indicted on Tuesday morning on federal charges of violating a federal law requiring lobbyists for foreign interests to disclose their work to the Justice Department.
Federal prosecutors and the F.B.I. have been investigating Mr. Barrack for nearly three years, focusing on whether he tried to sway Mr. Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign or his administration on behalf of Persian Gulf nations with huge stakes in United States policy.
The inquiry was overseen by prosecutors in the public integrity section of United States Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of New York. In an interview two years ago, a spokesman for Mr. Barrack said he had acted as an independent intermediary between Persian Gulf leaders and the Trump campaign and administration, not on behalf of foreign officials or entities.
The indictment charged Mr. Barrack and two other men with failing to register as agents of the United Arab Emirates government. The other two men charged were Matthew Grimes, a former top executive at Mr. Barrack’s company, and Rashid al-Malik Alshahhi, an Emirati businessman who is close to the U.A.E. rulers.
The seven count indictment also accused Mr. Barrack of obstruction of justice and making multiple false statements during a June 20, 2019, interview with federal agents.
The charges were announced by the United States Attorney in the Eastern District of New York, the Department of Justice’s National Security Division, and the F.B.I.
“The defendants repeatedly capitalized on Barrack’s friendships and access to a candidate who was eventually elected president, high-ranking campaign and government officials, and the American media to advance the policy goals of a foreign government without disclosing their true allegiances,” said Acting Assistant Attorney General Mark Lesko of the Justice Department’s National Security Division.
Mr. Barrack’s real estate and private equity firm, Colony Capital, benefited from substantial investments from Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E. In the three years after Mr. Trump became the Republican Party’s nominee for president in July 2016, Colony Capital received about $1.5 billion from those two Persian Gulf counties through investments or other transactions. Of that, about $474 million came from sovereign wealth funds controlled by their governments.
Mr. Barrack stepped down as the firm’s executive chairman in March. The firm was recently renamed DigitalBridge. According to a filing this month with Securities and Exchange Commission, Mr. Barrack owns ten percent of the firm and is one of its directors.
Mr. Barrack, 74, has been friends with Mr. Trump since the 1980s. He helped raise money for Mr. Trump’s first presidential campaign and ran his transition team after Mr. Trump won. But he was perhaps best known for leading Mr. Trump’s inaugural committee, which raised $107 million — the most money ever collected and spent to celebrate an inauguration.
Critics claimed the committee became a hub for peddling access to foreign officials or business leaders, or those acting on their behalf, but investigations by several local jurisdictions into the committee’s activities petered out with no charges filed.
The federal inquiry into Mr. Barrack’s ties with foreign leaders, reported by The New York Times in July 2019, was an outgrowth of the investigation led by Special Counsel Robert S. Mueller III in Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election.
The special counsel’s work put a spotlight on violations of the Foreign Agents Registration Act, known as FARA, and led a greater effort by the Justice Department to enforce it. The law requires those who work for foreign governments, political parties or other entities to influence American policy or public opinion to disclose their activities to the department.
Several former Trump aides who were charged by the special counsel acknowledged violating the statute in guilty pleas, including Paul Manafort, the former campaign chairman and Rick Gates, the deputy chairman. Mr. Mueller referred questions about Mr. Barrack to the U.S. Attorney’s office in Brooklyn, apparently because the allegations went beyond his investigative mandate.
In one incident reported by The New York Times, Mr. Barrack tried to coordinate what Mr. Trump would say in a May 2016 campaign speech about energy policy with his contacts in the Persian Gulf, including Mr. al-Malik Alshahhi, the Emirati businessman.
In an apparent reference to Mr. Barrack’s Persian Gulf contacts, Mr. Manafort asked him in an email about the speech: “Are you running this by our friends?”
Sharon LaFraniere reported from Washington and William K. Rashbaum from New York. Kitty Bennett contributed research.
