Ferguson police execute an unarmed 17 yr old boy (Update: Ferguson police chief to resign 3/19)

loyola llothta

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The Tulsa riot of 1921 began as so many of these other disturbances did: A White person took offense at something a Black person is alleged to have done and Whites went crazy.


Believed to be the single worst incident of racial violence in American history, the bloody 1921 Tulsa race riot has continued to haunt Oklahomans to the present day. During the course of eighteen terrible hours on May 31 and June 1, 1921, more than one thousand homes and businesses were destroyed, while credible estimates of riot deaths range from fifty to three hundred. By the time the violence ended, the city had been placed under martial law, thousands of Tulsans were being held under armed guard, and the state’s second-largest African American community had been burned to the ground.

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Black Wall Street was the wealthiest black community in the United States, full of black owned businesses consisting of:

movie theaters
dental offices
independent newspapers
restaurants
grocery stores
a bank
post offices
a bus system
schools
airplanes
law offices
its own hospital.

Racial tension boiled over on May 30, 1921 when a white woman accused a black boy of sexual assault. Late that night, a mob of nearly 10,000 white men launched an all out assault on Black Wall Street systematically burning down every home & business.

Attacks came from both the ground and the sky as the mobs used planes from World War I to drop firebombs and shoot at residents. African Americans that were captured were held in internment camps around the city by local police & National Guard units.

Blacks who were injured during the 16 hour attack couldn’t seek medical care because the mobs torched the only black hospital in the city.

The attack left about 10,000 African Americans homeless and 35 city blocks burned to the ground. In total, 1,256 houses & 191 businesses (including churches, a middle school & a hospital) were burned.

In the aftermath, it was estimated that 300 African Americans were killed and many of their bodies were buried in unmarked graves.

The Tulsa Race Riot was taught for the 1st time in Tulsa public schools in 2012.
 
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Huey Shootin

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The Tulsa riot of 1921 began as so many of these other disturbances did: A White person took offense at something a Black person is alleged to have done and Whites went crazy.


Believed to be the single worst incident of racial violence in American history, the bloody 1921 Tulsa race riot has continued to haunt Oklahomans to the present day. During the course of eighteen terrible hours on May 31 and June 1, 1921, more than one thousand homes and businesses were destroyed, while credible estimates of riot deaths range from fifty to three hundred. By the time the violence ended, the city had been placed under martial law, thousands of Tulsans were being held under armed guard, and the state’s second-largest African American community had been burned to the ground.
This is just one example among many of why I took offense to that dumb c00n bytch Raven Simone screaming that she's American and not African-American. This is the American legacy you so eagerly cling to, stupid bytch.This is the America many blacks foolishly seek to integrate with. Why are you in such awe of an America that enslaved you and still refuses to treat you as a human being?
 
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cole phelps

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The Wilmington Coup d'Etat of 1898, also known as the Wilmington Massacre of 1898 or the Wilmington Race Riot of 1898, occurred in Wilmington, North Carolina starting on November 10, 1898 and continued for several days. It is considered a turning point in post-Reconstruction North Carolina politics. The event is credited as ushering in an era of severe racial segregation and disfranchisement throughout the South. Laura Edwards wrote in Democracy Betrayed (2000), "What happened in Wilmington became an affirmation of white supremacy not just in that one city, but in the South and in the nation as a whole."[1]
Originally described by whites as a race riot (suggesting blacks were at fault), the events are now classified as a coup d'etat, as white Democratic insurgents overthrew the legitimately elected local government.[2][3] A mob of nearly 2000 men attacked the only black newspaper in the state, and persons and property in black neighborhoods, killing an estimated 15 to more than 60 victims.[4]
Two days after the election of a Fusionist white mayor and biracial city council, two-thirds of which was white, Democratic Party white supremacists illegally seized power and overturned the elected government. Led by Alfred Waddell, who was defeated in 1878 as the congressional incumbent by Daniel L. Russell (elected governor in 1896), more than 2000 white men participated in an attack on the black newspaper, Daily Record, burning down the building. They ran officials and community leaders out of the city, and killed many blacks in widespread attacks, especially destroying the Brooklyn neighborhood. They took photographs of each other during the events. The Wilmington Light Infantry (WLI) and federal Naval Reserves, ordered to quell the riot, became involved, using rapid-fire weapons and killing several black men in the Brooklyn neighborhood. Both black and white residents later appealed for help after the coup to President William McKinley, but his administration did not respond, as Governor Russell had not requested aid. After the riot, more than 2,100 blacks left the city permanently, having to abandon their businesses and properties, turning it from a black-majority to a white-majority city.


Maybe we should have a black version of this coup d'état In ferguson and other places
 

loyola llothta

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The Haitian Revolution has often been described as the largest and most successful slave rebellion in the Western Hemisphere. Slaves initiated the rebellion in 1791 and by 1803 they had succeeded in ending not just slavery but French control over the colony. The Haitian Revolution, however, was much more complex, consisting of several revolutions going on simultaneously. These revolutions were influenced by the French revolution of 1789, which would come to represent a new concept of human rights, universal citizenship, and participation in government. In the 18th century, Saint Dominigue, as Haiti was then known, became France's wealthiest overseas colony, largely because of its production of sugar, coffee, indigo, and cotton generated by an enslaved labor force. When the French revolution broke out in 1789 there were five distinct sets of interest groups in the colony. There were white planters -- who owned the plantations and the slaves -- and petit blancs, who were artisans, shop keepers and teachers. Some of them also owned a few slaves. Together they numbered 40,000 of the colony’s residents. Many of the whites on Saint Dominigue began to support an independence movement that began when France imposed steep tariffs on the items imported into the colony. The planters were extremely disenchanted with France because they were forbidden to trade with any other nation. Furthermore, the white population of Saint-Dominique did not have any representation in France. Despite their calls for independence, both the planters and petit blancs remained committed to the institution of slavery. The three remaining groups were of African descent, those who were free, those who were slaves, and those who had run away. There were about 30,000 free black people in 1789. Half of them were mulatto and often they were wealthier than the petit blancs. The slave population was close to 500,000. The runaway slaves were called maroons; they had retreated deep into the mountains of Saint Dominigue and lived off subsistence farming. Haiti had a history of slave rebellions; the slaves were never willing to submit to their status and with their strength in numbers (10 to 1) colonial officials and planters did all that was possible to control them. Despite the harshness and cruelty of Saint Dominigue slavery, there were slave rebellions before 1791. One plot involved the poisoning of masters. Inspired by events in France, a number of Haitian-born revolutionary movements emerged simultaneously. They used as their inspiration the French Revolution’s “Declaration of the Rights of Man.” The General Assembly in Paris responded by enacting legislation which gave the various colonies some autonomy at the local level. The legislation, which called for “all local proprietors...to be active citizens,” was both ambiguous and radical. It was interpreted in Saint Dominigue as applying only to the planter class and thus excluded petit blancs from government. Yet it allowed free citizens of color who were substantial property owners to participate. This legislation, promulgated in Paris to keep Saint Dominigue in the colonial empire, instead generated a three-sided civil war between the planters, free blacks and the petit blancs. However, all three groups would be challenged by the enslaved black majority which was also influenced and inspired by events in France. Led by former slave Toussaint l’Overture, the enslaved would act first, rebelling against the planters on August 21, 1791. By 1792 they controlled a third of the island. Despite reinforcements from France, the area of the colony held by the rebels grew as did the violence on both sides. Before the fighting ended 100,000 of the 500,000 blacks and 24,000 of the 40,000 whites were killed. Nonetheless the former slaves managed to stave off both the French forces and the British who arrived in 1793 to conquer the colony, and who withdrew in 1798 after a series of defeats by l’Overture’s forces. By 1801 l’Overture expanded the revolution beyond Haiti, conquering the neighboring Spanish colony of Santo Domingo (present-day Dominican Republic). He abolished slavery in the Spanish-speaking colony and declared himself Governor-General for life over the entire island of Hispaniola. At that moment the Haitian Revolution had outlasted the French Revolution which had been its inspiration. Napoleon Bonaparte, now the ruler of France, dispatched General Charles Leclerc, his brother-in-law, and 43,000 French troops to capture L’Overture and restore both French rule and slavery. L’Overture was taken and sent to France where he died in prison in 1803. Jean-Jacques Dessalines, one of l’Overture’s generals and himself a former slave, led the revolutionaries at the Battle of Vertieres on November 18, 1803 where the French forces were defeated. On January 1, 1804, Dessalines declared the nation independent and renamed it Haiti. France became the first nation to recognize its independence. Haiti thus emerged as the first black republic in the world, and the second nation in the western hemisphere (after the United States) to win its independence from a European power.


In 1806, fearful that the Haitian Revolution (1804) might inspire enslaved Africans in other parts of the Western hemisphere to rebel, the U.S. Congress banned trade with Haiti, joining French, Spanish and Portuguese boycotts. Global shipping originating in or by Haiti was banned from trading with or entering American and European ports of trade. This coordinated embargo effectively crippled Haiti’s export-driven economy and its development as a once prosperous Caribbean port under French rule. The embargo was renewed in 1807 and 1809, and in one form or another has lasted 197 years – with additional restrictions added in 1991 – until as recently as 2003. The embargo was accompanied by a threat of re-colonization and re-enslavement by the American-European alliance if Haiti failed to compensate France for losses incurred when French plantation owners, as a result of the Haitian Revolution, lost Haiti’s lucrative sugar, coffee and tobacco fortunes supported by slave labor. [Dunkel, 1994] Haiti spent the next 111 years, until 1922, paying 70% of its national revenues in reparations to France – a ransom enforced by the American-European trade alliance as the price for Haiti’s independence.
As a direct consequence of this orchestrated, century-long economic strangulation, Haiti is, today, the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere by any measure


Next was the occupation of Haiti
 

loyola llothta

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Date: 16 June, 1976

It all began as a peaceful protest march, but ended with violence, tears, blood and death of a 13 year old boy,Hector Peterson. The Soweto uprisingbegan when more than 20 000 learners marched against the use of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in Black secondary schools. The uprising then escalated into a nation-wide revolt, revitalising the struggle for liberation in South Africa.

Apart from the language issue, students also demanded an r education as good as that provided for white students. Police used teargas to disperse the crowd and students started throwing stones in retaliation. Police then responded by firing live bullets, killing thirteen year old Hector Petersen. Africa During the next few days crowds attacked everything they associated with the apartheid government. Vehicles and buildings were stoned and set alight and two white officials were beaten to death. Police continued to use force in an attempt to quell the rioting. Youth Day marks not just the sacrifices made by the youth on that day, but also of those children who defied “Bantu Education”and took up arms in the struggle for freedom.

Thousands of students were exiled in Botswana, Lesothoand Swaziland. The majority joined the African National Congress (ANC) and some opted to undergo military training. Others joined the PAC also with the intention of undergoing military training. It was those that joined the ANC’s military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) who made an early return as trained cadres, attacking key government installations and persons believed to have been working for the apartheid government. Known as the June 16 Detachment, they included Solomon Mahlangu, executed for his role in an attack in Johannesburg in 1977 and the Silverton Trio, killed by a police sniper during a siege of the Volkskas Bank inPretoria.

Youth Day is commemorated annually on 16 June.
 

loyola llothta

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Black Panther Party
Despite passage of the 1960s civil rights legislation that followed the landmark U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Brown v.Board of Education of Topeka (1954), African Americans living in cities throughout North America continued to suffer economic and social inequality. Poverty and reduced public services characterized these urban centres, where residents were subject to poor living conditions, joblessness, chronic health problems, violence, and limited means to change their circumstances. Such conditions contributed to urban uprisings in the 1960s (such as those in the Watts district of Los Angeles in 1965, among others) and to the increased use of police violence as a measure to impose order on cities throughout North America.



It was in this context, and in the wake of the assassination of Malcolm X in 1965, that Merritt Junior College students Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale founded the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense on October 15, 1966, in West Oakland (officially “Western Oakland,” a district of the city of Oakland), California. Shortening its name to the Black Panther Party, the organization immediately sought to set itself apart from African American cultural nationalist organizations, such as the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Nation of Islam, to which it was commonly compared. Although the groups shared certain philosophical positions and tactical features, the Black Panther Party and cultural nationalists differed on a number of basic points. For instance, whereas African American cultural nationalists generally regarded all white people as oppressors, the Black Panther Party distinguished betweenracist and nonracist whites and allied themselves with progressive members of the latter group. Also, whereas cultural nationalists generally viewed all African Americans as oppressed, the Black Panther Party believed that African American capitalists and elites could and typically did exploit and oppress others, particularly the African American working class. Perhaps most importantly, whereas cultural nationalists placed considerable emphasis on symbolic systems, such as language and imagery, as the means to liberate African Americans, the Black Panther Party believed that such systems, though important, are ineffective in bringing about liberation. It considered symbols as woefully inadequate to ameliorate the unjust material conditions, such as joblessness, created by capitalism.



From the outset, the Black Panther Party outlined a Ten Point Program, not unlike those of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and Nation of Islam, to initiate national African American community survival projects and to forge alliances with progressive white radicals and other organizations of people of colour. A number of positions outlined in the Ten Point Program address a principle stance of the Black Panther Party: economic exploitation is at the root of all oppression in the United States and abroad, and the abolition of capitalism is a precondition of social justice. In the 1960s this socialist economic outlook, informed by a Marxist political philosophy, resonated with other social movements in the United States and in other parts of the world. Therefore,even as the Black Panther Party found allies both within and beyond the borders of North America, the organization also found itself squarely in the crosshairs of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and its counterintelligence program, COINTELPRO. In fact, in 1969 FBI director J. Edgar Hooverconsidered the Black Panther Party the greatest threat to national security.



The Black Panther Party came into the national spotlight in May 1967 when a small group of its members, led by its chair, Seale, marched fully armed into the California state legislature in Sacramento. Emboldened by the view that African Americans had a constitutional right to bear arms (based on the Second Amendmentof the U.S. Constitution), the Black Panther Party marched on the body as a protest against the pending Mulford Act. The Black Panther Party viewed the legislation, a gun control bill, as a political maneuver to thwart the organization’s effort to combat police brutality in the Oakland community. The images of gun-toting Black Panthers entering the Capitol were supplemented, later that year, with news of Newton’s arrest after a shoot-out with police in which an officer was killed.With this newfound publicity, the Black Panther Party grew from an Oakland-based organization into an international one with chapters in 48 states in North America and support groups in Japan, China, France, England, Germany, Sweden, Mozambique, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uruguay, and elsewhere.



In addition to challenging police brutality, the Black Panther Party launched more than 35 Survival Programs and provided community help, such as education, tuberculosis testing, legal aid, transportation assistance, ambulance service, and the manufacture and distribution of free shoes to poor people. Of particular note was the Free Breakfast for Children Program that spread to every major American city with a Black Panther Party chapter; to the chagrin of Hoover, the government adopted it as a federal program that survived into the 21st century.



Notwithstanding the social services the Black Panther Party provided, the FBI declared the group a communist organization and an enemy of the U.S. government. Hoover had pledged that 1969 would be the last year of the Black Panther Party and devoted the resources of the FBI, through COINTELPRO, toward that end. In a protracted program against the Black Panther Party, COINTELPRO used agent provocateurs, sabotage, misinformation, and lethal force to eviscerate the national organization. The FBI’s campaign culminated in December 1969 with a five-hour police shoot-out at the Southern California headquarters of the Black Panther Party and an Illinois state police raid in which ChicagoBlack Panther leader Fred Hampton was killed. The measures employed by the FBI were so extreme that, years later when they were revealed, the director of the agency publicly apologized for “wrongful uses of power.”



From the mid-1970s through the ’80s, the activities of the Black Panther Party all but ceased. Although COINTELPRO contributed to its demise, the dissolution of the party’s leadership also contributed to the downfall of the organization. Assata Shakur went into exile in Cuba. Kathleen Cleaver earned a law degree and took an appointment as a professor. After returning from exile in Cuba, Newton was killed in a drug dispute in August 1989, perishing in an alley in West Oakland, not far from where he and Seale had founded the first Black Panther Party chapter. Eldridge Cleaverdesigned clothes in the 1970s and ’80s before joining the anticommunist Unification Church en route to becoming a born-again Christian and a registered member of theRepublican Party.



From its founding in 1966, the influence of the Black Panther Party assumed a transnationalcharacter that went beyond the creation of support groups for the organization. Activists in Australian urban centres, for example, incorporated the works of Black Panther Party members into their social movements. The oppressed Dalits in India emulated the rhetoricof the Black Panthers, and the representatives of the Vietnamese National Liberation Front, who called themselves Yellow Panthers, also used the organization as a model. Closer to the United States, the Vanguard Party in the Bahamas closely studied the Black Panther Party, drew on its political philosophy, adopted its use of uniforms and its Ten Point Program, and published the newspaper Vanguard, whose scope and format mirrored the Black Panther Party’s newspaper, Black Panther, to shape its program of activism.



Even decades after the founding of the organization, the Black Panther Party survived in the public imagination in the United States as a result of the publication of a number of memoirs by its members and the use of its rhetoric in rap music. In 1990 Milwaukee Alderman Michael McGee, a former Black Panther Party member, sought to resurrect the organization when he formed the Black Panther Militia in response to the neglect of his community by local politicians and business leaders. The militia inspired other chapters and eventually became the New Black Panther Party, under the leadership of community activist Aaron Michaels. By 1998, Khallid Abdul Muhammad, the former national spokesperson for the Chicago-based Nation of Islam, had assumed the de facto leadership of the organization when he led a group of shotgun- and rifle-toting New Black Panther Party members to Jasper, Texas, in the wake of the murder of James Byrd, Jr., a 49-year-old African American man who had been dragged behind a pickup truck by three members of the Ku Klux Klan. The New Black Panther Party also became known to the public through the Million Youth March it first organized in New York in 1998.



Many activities of the New Black Panther Party clearly replicated those of the original Black Panther Party. At the same time, however, the New Black Panther Party embraced a staunchly cultural nationalist orientation, leading some former Black Panther Party leaders to denounce it for using the Black Panther Party name and for appropriating its legacy. The Southern Poverty Law Center also emphasized the difference between the two groups and labeled the New Black Panther Party a racist and anti-Semitic hate group. Members of the New Black Panther Party, however, were unapologetic and summarily rejected such condemnation, contending that they only took up the struggle for social justice and freedom that the original Black Panther Party had failed to sustain.



http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/...-Panther-Party
 
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loyola llothta

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Selected Survival Programs of the Black Panther Party, 1966-1982

[and the year they were initiated]

  1. Intercommunal News Service (Black Panther) —1967
  2. Free Breakfast for School Children — 1968
  3. Petition Campaign: Referendum for Decentralized Police Departments — 1968
  4. Liberation School/Intercommunal Youth Institute — 1969
  5. People’s Free Medical Research Health Clinic —1970
  6. Free Clothing Program — 1970
  7. Free Busing to Prisons Program — 1970
  8. Seniors Against Fearful Environment (S.A.F.E.) —1971
  9. Sickle Cell Anemia Research Foundation — 1971
  10. Free Housing Cooperative Program — 1971
  11. Free Shoe Program — 1971
  12. Free Pest Control Program — 1971
  13. Free Plumbing and Maintenance Program — 1971
  14. Free Food Program — 1972
  15. Child Development Center — 1972
  16. Free Ambulance Program — 1974
 

loyola llothta

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Every man is born, therefore he has a right to live, a right to share in the wealth. If he is denied the right to work, then he is denied the right to live. If he can’t work, he deserves a high standard of living regardless of his education or skill. It should be up to the administrators of the economic system to design a program for providing work or livelihood for his people. To deny a man this is to deny him life. The controllers of the economic system are obligated to furnish each man with a livelihood. If they cannot do this or if they will not do this, they do not deserve the position of administrators. The means of production should be taken away from them and placed in the people’s hands, so that the people can organize them in such a way as to provide themselves with a livelihood. The people will choose capable administrators, motivated by their sincere interest in the people’s welfare and not the interest of private property. The people will choose managers to control the means of production and the land that is rightfully theirs. Until the people control the land and the means of production, there will be no peace. Black people must control the destiny of their community.

Because Black people desire to determine their own destiny, they are constantly inflicted with brutality from the occupying army, embodied in the police department. There is a great similarity between the occupying army in Southeast Asia and the occupation of our communities by the racist police. The armies are not there to protect the people of South Vietnam, but to brutalise and oppress them for the interests of the selfish imperial power.

The police should be the people of the community in uniform. There should be no division or conflict of interest between the people and the police. Once there is a division, then the police become the enemy of the people. The police should serve the interest of the people and be one and the same. When this principle breaks down, then the police has become an occupying army. When historically one race has oppressed another and policemen are recruited from the oppressor race to patrol the communities of the oppressed people, an intolerable contradiction exists.

THE RACIST DOG POLICEMEN MUST WITHDRAW IMMEDIATELY FROM OUR COMMUNITIES, CEASE THEIR WANTON MURDER AND BRUTALITY AND TORTURE OF BLACK PEOPLE, OR FACE THE WRATH OF THE ARMED PEOPLE.


— Huey P. Newton on the Functional Definition of Politics (Part 3), The Black Panther, 17th Janury, 1969.
 

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Mississippi Governor James Vardaman who was elected in 1903 was an avowed racist but also virulently against convict leasing. His critique was that the lease system enriched specific individuals at the expense of the state. He advanced a proposal to create a state-run penal farm which led to the establishment of Parchman Prison Farm in 1904. So Parchman Farm was conceived as a reform project. Instead, it became notorious as one of the most racist, violent, and brutal prisons in America.


I will focus another day on the actual history of Parchman. Today, I will underscore the prison’s role as a tool to quell the dissent and protests of the Civil Rights movement. David Oshinsky (1996) writes that: “In the 1960s, Mississippi officials used the Delta prison to house — and break down — those who challenged its racist customs and segregation laws (p.233).”


In the summer of 1961, hundredsFreedom Ridersincluding James Farmer, James Bevel and Stokely Carmichael were imprisoned at Parchman. They had rejected paying a $200 fine and chose prison instead. This was part of the vaunted Jail No Bail strategy developed by SNCC. Considered troublemakers by prison administrators and many of the convicts at the State Penitentiary, the Freedom Riders were placed in sweltering cells in the maximum security section isolated from other prisoners. According to Oshinsky, “Governor Barnett left explicit instructions to keep the Freedom Riders safe. Break their spirit, he suggested, but not their bones (p.235).” Oshinsky describes how the Freedom Riders spent their days at Parchman:

“Life was hard and monotonous for them, but the danger had passed. The protestors lived two to a cell in stifling eight-by-ten compartments, segregated by sex and race. They left only to shower twice a week. There was no fresh air or exercise time, no cigarettes or reading material except the Bible and a racist tract about the inferiority of blacks. The food was bug-ridden and drenched in salt. The women wore striped prison dresses, the men ill-fitting underwear…To ease the boredom, the Freedom Riders did calisthenics and sang freedom songs. Their loud, energetic voices grated on the guards, who warned them to pipe down. When the prisoners refused, their bedding was taken away. One of the memorable scenes from Parchman involved a tall, reed-thin Howard University student named Stokely Carmichael being dragged along the cell-block floor on his mattress, singing ‘I’m Gonna Tell God How You Treat Me.’ (p.235-236)”

After serving an average of 39 days at Parchman (some like Carmichael had spent 53 days there), the Freedom Riders were released.
 
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