Disputed 1619 project was CORRECT, Slavery WAS key to US Revolution; Gerald Horne proved in 2014
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Brehs. Holy shyt. More evidence is coming out. 
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They'll believe it when then white dudes say it
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holy shyt.
SOMEONE TIPPED FRANKLIN OFF ABOUT THE SOMERSET CASE TWO DAYS BEFORE
SOMEONE TIPPED FRANKLIN OFF ABOUT THE SOMERSET CASE TWO DAYS BEFORE
Phillip Goodrich Discusses What is Hidden in American History | BookTrib
Phillip Goodrich Discusses What is Hidden in American History
By Jim Alkon|July 21st, 2020|Author Spotlight, Nonfiction
In the 50 years following the American Revolution, “Positive propaganda extended into hero-worship and fable at the expense of the facts of the event,” says author and American history buff Phillip Goodrich. “The events that didn’t fit into the traditional narrative of the ‘American destiny’ were relegated to the ash heap of time.”
Goodrich has become a well-informed student of those events. In fact, in his book, Somersett: Or Why and How Benjamin Franklin Orchestrated the American Revolution,he suggests that unfair taxation was hardly the sole impetus for the Revolution.
Supported by meticulous research, Goodrich says that Benjamin Franklin, using the freeing of a British slave, James Somersett, as the catalyst, orchestrated a little-known yet elaborate scheme to impassion revolt throughout the colonies against England and in effect spark America’s fight for independence.
In a recent interview, Goodrich elaborated on the premise of his book and his obsession with American history:
Q: Somersett reveals what appears to be a significant story about how the American Revolution came about. How, until now, has this narrative been so obscured?
A: Regrettably, I fear that much of this “story” was deliberately suppressed in the generation following the American Revolution. The book points out that the principals were involved in dismantling the written evidence during the Revolution, but we know that in the 50 years after the Revolution, positive propaganda extended into hero-worship and fable at the expense of the facts of the event. The events that didn’t fit into the traditional narrative of the “American destiny” were relegated to the ash heap of time. It begins with Mason Weems and works radically outward from there.
Q: Do you think people will be stunned to learn about Franklin’s strategy, which seemed an unknown but important catalyst to the Revolution?
A: I’m quite sure there will be many readers surprised and stunned to read of the true motivating event that brought the American southern colonies into Revolution; fortunately for the credibility of Somersett, we have two independent corroborating sources in the past 40 years. Leon Higginbotham and Alfred and Ruth Blumrosen have provided solid support for this thesis in their research. The timing of the ensuing events is simply too tight to be coincidental, and Franklin’s imprimatur dominates each event.
Q: Does the book show a side to Franklin that people generally are not aware of, or does stay true to how people – and history – have perceived him?
A: To the casual reader, this book should unveil a character that America has forgotten, and it is high time they meet him again. For the serious historians, Brands, Isaacson, Morgan, and Larson, just to name a few, this remarkable genius and political talent is most assuredly not a surprise. Franklin had learned intrigue from an early age, had a prodigious memory for names and faces, which served him throughout his long life, and was enough of an hierophant to enchant any audience in his presence.
Q: Where did you develop your passion for American history?
A: I have loved learning the stories of American history since boyhood, as my father and brothers never tired of touring museums, battlefields, historic homes, libraries, and the like. We were all “those guys” who would read every placard in every home and museum, look at every object, ask questions, and pull out the encyclopedia for answers. My dad had a copy of the Encyclopedia Americana in about 20 volumes, which he read cover to cover several times. I have received that blessing or curse of insatiable hunger for knowledge, and, as Astley Paston Cooper so sagely averred 200 years ago, “A day I failed to learn a new fact is a day I considered wasted.” Me too.
Q: You seem to gravitate to some of the lesser-told stories behind the characters during America’s founding years. What other such stories have attracted your interest?
A: I fear that too often when we read historical information, the individual names in articles are too readily pushed aside. By looking at those names, and simply wondering who those people were, and why they were present at that event in that time, we can open a world of hidden information regarding the motivation for a given event.
We know that the preliminary peace between the U.S. and Great Britain at the close of the Revolution was negotiated by Franklin for the U.S., but who served as minister for the British? Richard Oswald. Ninety-nine percent of historians would simply record that name and move along. But wait! Who is Richard Oswald, and why was he selected? That same question can be asked of David Hartley, Junior and Senior, and as I asked about Thomas Pownall two years ago. Just asking about names we don’t recognize can open an entire trove of suppressed and forgotten stories.
Q: What would you hope that readers take away from Somersett?
A: There are so many lessons to the Somersett story: Yes, slavery has been used to motivate slave-owners in the United States for centuries. Yes, it was too easy to fall into the immoral trap of slave ownership to expand one’s business and productivity in a world where slaves were widely available. Yes, much of what was built in the 18th century, physically, economically, and politically, was built on the backs of slave labor. Yes, institutional racism is as old as the American colonies and we are currently entering our fifth century (one of the longest in human history) where it continues as policy in too many locales nationwide. Yes, we have used the bondage of minorities as a justification for political action. And yes, it is long overdue for white America to simply stop talking, take a seat, and listen.
Q: What’s your next project?
A: I think we’ve been laboring under an incorrect interpretation of the Reformation and the Renaissance in the 16th century as events that sprang whole cloth out of an intellectually blighted Europe, and have missed the true story behind the story. It is yet another story that needs to be heard.
For more on Goodrich, visit his BookTrib author profile page and read our reviewof Somersett.
Phillip Goodrich Discusses What is Hidden in American History
By Jim Alkon|July 21st, 2020|Author Spotlight, Nonfiction
In the 50 years following the American Revolution, “Positive propaganda extended into hero-worship and fable at the expense of the facts of the event,” says author and American history buff Phillip Goodrich. “The events that didn’t fit into the traditional narrative of the ‘American destiny’ were relegated to the ash heap of time.”
Goodrich has become a well-informed student of those events. In fact, in his book, Somersett: Or Why and How Benjamin Franklin Orchestrated the American Revolution,he suggests that unfair taxation was hardly the sole impetus for the Revolution.
Supported by meticulous research, Goodrich says that Benjamin Franklin, using the freeing of a British slave, James Somersett, as the catalyst, orchestrated a little-known yet elaborate scheme to impassion revolt throughout the colonies against England and in effect spark America’s fight for independence.
In a recent interview, Goodrich elaborated on the premise of his book and his obsession with American history:
Q: Somersett reveals what appears to be a significant story about how the American Revolution came about. How, until now, has this narrative been so obscured?
A: Regrettably, I fear that much of this “story” was deliberately suppressed in the generation following the American Revolution. The book points out that the principals were involved in dismantling the written evidence during the Revolution, but we know that in the 50 years after the Revolution, positive propaganda extended into hero-worship and fable at the expense of the facts of the event. The events that didn’t fit into the traditional narrative of the “American destiny” were relegated to the ash heap of time. It begins with Mason Weems and works radically outward from there.
Q: Do you think people will be stunned to learn about Franklin’s strategy, which seemed an unknown but important catalyst to the Revolution?
A: I’m quite sure there will be many readers surprised and stunned to read of the true motivating event that brought the American southern colonies into Revolution; fortunately for the credibility of Somersett, we have two independent corroborating sources in the past 40 years. Leon Higginbotham and Alfred and Ruth Blumrosen have provided solid support for this thesis in their research. The timing of the ensuing events is simply too tight to be coincidental, and Franklin’s imprimatur dominates each event.
Q: Does the book show a side to Franklin that people generally are not aware of, or does stay true to how people – and history – have perceived him?
A: To the casual reader, this book should unveil a character that America has forgotten, and it is high time they meet him again. For the serious historians, Brands, Isaacson, Morgan, and Larson, just to name a few, this remarkable genius and political talent is most assuredly not a surprise. Franklin had learned intrigue from an early age, had a prodigious memory for names and faces, which served him throughout his long life, and was enough of an hierophant to enchant any audience in his presence.
Q: Where did you develop your passion for American history?
A: I have loved learning the stories of American history since boyhood, as my father and brothers never tired of touring museums, battlefields, historic homes, libraries, and the like. We were all “those guys” who would read every placard in every home and museum, look at every object, ask questions, and pull out the encyclopedia for answers. My dad had a copy of the Encyclopedia Americana in about 20 volumes, which he read cover to cover several times. I have received that blessing or curse of insatiable hunger for knowledge, and, as Astley Paston Cooper so sagely averred 200 years ago, “A day I failed to learn a new fact is a day I considered wasted.” Me too.
Q: You seem to gravitate to some of the lesser-told stories behind the characters during America’s founding years. What other such stories have attracted your interest?
A: I fear that too often when we read historical information, the individual names in articles are too readily pushed aside. By looking at those names, and simply wondering who those people were, and why they were present at that event in that time, we can open a world of hidden information regarding the motivation for a given event.
We know that the preliminary peace between the U.S. and Great Britain at the close of the Revolution was negotiated by Franklin for the U.S., but who served as minister for the British? Richard Oswald. Ninety-nine percent of historians would simply record that name and move along. But wait! Who is Richard Oswald, and why was he selected? That same question can be asked of David Hartley, Junior and Senior, and as I asked about Thomas Pownall two years ago. Just asking about names we don’t recognize can open an entire trove of suppressed and forgotten stories.
Q: What would you hope that readers take away from Somersett?
A: There are so many lessons to the Somersett story: Yes, slavery has been used to motivate slave-owners in the United States for centuries. Yes, it was too easy to fall into the immoral trap of slave ownership to expand one’s business and productivity in a world where slaves were widely available. Yes, much of what was built in the 18th century, physically, economically, and politically, was built on the backs of slave labor. Yes, institutional racism is as old as the American colonies and we are currently entering our fifth century (one of the longest in human history) where it continues as policy in too many locales nationwide. Yes, we have used the bondage of minorities as a justification for political action. And yes, it is long overdue for white America to simply stop talking, take a seat, and listen.
Q: What’s your next project?
A: I think we’ve been laboring under an incorrect interpretation of the Reformation and the Renaissance in the 16th century as events that sprang whole cloth out of an intellectually blighted Europe, and have missed the true story behind the story. It is yet another story that needs to be heard.
For more on Goodrich, visit his BookTrib author profile page and read our reviewof Somersett.
The Republican Party, Racial Hypocrisy, and the 1619 Project
As the G.O.P. seeks to deny Americans knowledge of their own history, Nikole Hannah-Jones is denied tenure.
By Jelani Cobb
May 29, 2021
Bills to penalize the teaching of the 1619 Project, named for the arrival of African captives in America, were introduced in Republican-controlled state legislatures this year.Photograph by Julia Rendleman / Reuters
- New!
Late last month, when Senator Tim Scott, of South Carolina, delivered the Republican response to President Joe Biden’s first major address to a joint session of Congress, the subtext could scarcely have been closer to the surface: the sole Black Republican in the Senate was speaking on behalf of a Party that, under the increasing influence of the far right, has embraced a brand of belligerent and overt racism that was naïvely thought to have been banished from American politics. In the midst of a fairly straightforward conservative critique of Biden’s policies and priorities, the senator detoured into a complaint about liberals whom he said had called him racial epithets—he graciously declined to call them “the real racists”—and claimed that progressives are intent on teaching people that, “if they look a certain way, they’re an oppressor.” He defended the G.O.P. voter-suppression bills that have swept the nation in the wake of Donald Trump’s defeat, and stated his case plainly. “America,” he said, “is not a racist country.”
This was a stunning display of cynicism, even by the standards of the current G.O.P., yet this was not the first time that Scott’s race had been utilized so disingenuously. A month earlier, he said on Fox News that “woke supremacy is as bad as white supremacy,” a kind of equivalence that could be dismissed as political pandering had Scott not been a friend of the late Reverend Clementa Pinckney, the South Carolina state senator and pastor who was gunned down in the Emanuel A.M.E. Church, in 2015, by Dylann Roof, a white supremacist who dreamed of a race war. Scott was also the man whom the G.O.P. turned to when, in the wake of Trump’s comments about the Charlottesville crisis, they decided that the President needed to be tutored in matters of race. (Ahead of that meeting, Scott said, “Racism is real. It is alive.”) The absolution that Scott offered the nation in his rebuttal to Biden sparked an online discussion about how much racism it takes for a country to be considered racist, but, in some ways, that question was beside the point. The real significance in Scott’s words lay in their connection to a broader offensive that the Republican Party has been coördinating since Trump’s reëlection loss, in November.
In a poll in June, 2020, fifty-two per cent of Americans said that they considered Trump a racist. His candidacy famously emboldened white nationalists, as evidenced by the tiki-torch crusade in Charlottesville, the racist motifs of the January 6th attack on the Capitol, and his astounding directive to the Proud Boys, delivered during the first Presidential debate last year, to “stand back and stand by.” Since the murder of George Floyd last May, the nation has grappled publicly with its racist legacy and, to a considerable degree, with the extent to which Trump and the G.O.P. had made matters worse in the preceding three years. Books such as Ibram X. Kendi’s “How to Be an Antiracist” and Robin DiAngelo’s “White Fragility” rocketed up the best-seller lists.
In response, many on the American right decided to change the subject. If they could not market themselves as racists, they could certainly make a profitable brand as anti-anti-racists. (They have oddly chosen to lump all things racial and contemptible under the banner of critical race theory, a school of legal thought concerned primarily with inequality and the failures of civil-rights litigation to ameliorate it.) The objective here is not only to launder the G.O.P.’s reputation—though that is part of it—but also to facilitate the more overtly racist portions of the Party’s agenda. The left, in this light, is not simply advocating equality of people regardless of their backgrounds; it’s a cabal seeking to marginalize and browbeat white people for having created a bigoted society that does not actually exist.
Before Trump lost reëlection, he issued an executive order banning federal diversity initiatives that involve anti-racism training. Corollaries to that directive began taking root earlier this year, as bills to ban anti-racism training and to penalize public schools for teaching the 1619 Project were introduced in Republican-controlled state legislatures. (In April, the Iowa senate passed legislation sharply restricting what can be taught in diversity trainings at state and local entities.) Last summer, Senator Tom Cotton, of Arkansas, launched both a Twitter crusade against the 1619 Project and an ultimately failed effort to pass federal legislation that would ban it from being taught in schools nationwide. In an interview with the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, he said that the Founders saw slavery as a “necessary evil,” a point which elicited a response, on Twitter, from the 1619 Project’s creator, Nikole Hannah-Jones, who wrote, “its hard to imagine what cannot be justified” given that Cotton had essentially justified rape, torture, and the selling of human beings.
It is worth noting that the 1619 Project, which first appeared in the Times Magazine almost two years ago, on the four-hundredth anniversary of the arrival of the first African captives in the British colonies in North America, stirred currents that were not entirely unfamiliar. Twenty-six years ago, on the fiftieth anniversary of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, similar discord greeted renewed arguments that the release of two atomic bombs which immolated some hundred thousand people, most of them civilians, was a stain on this nation’s history. Three years before that, the five-hundredth anniversary of Columbus’s arrival in the Western Hemisphere again stirred contentious debate about his role as a herald of colonialism, slavery, and genocide of the indigenous populations of the West Indies.
A very specific divide animated these conflicts, and it underlies the G.O.P.’s current efforts to rescue Americans from an accurate account of their own history. A growing body of progressive white scholars and scholars of color have spent the past several decades fighting for, and largely succeeding in creating, a more honest chronicle of the American past. But these battles and the changes they’ve achieved have, by and large, gone unnoticed by the lay public until benchmark anniversaries occurred, and the scholarship collided with a public unsettled by how distinct that version of history was from the anodyne tales they imbibed in school. Claims of “revisionist history” greeted each of these moments, but this, too, missed the point. History exists in a constant state of revision, as we learn more about the present and the worlds that preceded it. This is why contemporary books about Presidents Ulysses S. Grant and Harry S. Truman take a different, and far more laudatory, view of their subjects than do books written closer to their lifetimes. Revising history is the whole point of having historians. Scholars, including some whose work has offered correctives to the whitewashed history of race, have debated in good faith about some aspects of the 1619 Project. More significant, though, is that the argument the project presented fell within the spectrum of established views.
But the aversion to unflattering truths can be made into political currency. Trumpism established the profitability of telling wholesale lies; the G.O.P. has realized that those lies need not be told only about the present. Recently, as the Texas Tribune reported, Texas introduced a bill that prohibits the teachingthat any race is superior or inferior to another—an ostensibly respectable principle, but the bill was ultimately concerned with an imaginary world in which white people were actually the victims in need of protection from racism.
The narrative took another turn last week, when it was revealed that the board of trustees of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill declined to extend tenure to Nikole Hannah-Jones. Normally, the byzantine workings of academic-tenure review are of little pertinence to anyone beyond the individuals involved. But the nature of Jones’s work, combined with the ongoing assaults from the right on any scholarly or journalistic examination of race, has given her case particular significance. Jones holds a MacArthur award, a Pulitzer Prize, two Polk Awards, a Peabody Award, and three National Magazine Awards. In many cases, this would be an impressive tally for an entire journalism department. Her tenure as the school’s Knight Chair in Race and Investigative Reporting was supported by the Hussman School of Journalism and Media’s tenure committee, its dean, and the chancellor of the university. The board’s intervention was an override of multiple tiers of faculty governance in a way that to many smacked of politics. In fact, when asked to explain the decision, an unnamed board member used exactly that word—politics—to sum up what had happened.
The implications here are also transparent. Jones, who is a staff writer for the Times Magazine, will likely not be greatly affected by the board’s decision. But younger, untenured scholars, whose work touches on potentially controversial themes, will undoubtedly find this incident intimidating. And the U.N.C. situation appears a logical outcome of the G.O.P.’s campaign. The Party, in seeking to discredit work examining the durability of racism, clears a path to pursue white anxiety and racial-resentment politics in the Trump mold. The irony in all this is that, in attacking anti-racism for these ends, conservatives are validating the very contentions that progressives have been making all along: that racism remains a vital force in American life, that it is deeply rooted in the American past, and that our politics have been shaped, with disastrous consequences, by efforts to utilize racism for political profit. Thus, the current G.O.P. is seeking not only to absolve Americans of the worst practices of their history but to do so while resurrecting the very practices that were cause for indictment in the first place.
A white dude fails to debunk slavery influencing American revolution:
I keep telling you...they're playing dumb...
I proved this in this thread: https://www.thecoli.com/threads/dis...evolution-gerald-horne-proved-in-2014.823081/
Slavery was THE reason for the American revolution
"They didn't say it explicitly!"
Wrong
