Not only the NDP/Liberal agreement was dumb as fukk, Canada is not trying for a Brown/non-white leader.Problem is that there is no viable liberal replacement. The party is done.
NDP and Jagmeet? Joke
Polievre and the CP will cruise to victory.
Dark times ahead
Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to announce resignation this week
- Thread starter Elim Garak
- Start date
Can't wait till Ovechkin breaks that Maga traitor Gretzky record
Trump planning to destroy Canada and Gretzky still smooching with the enemy along with Kevin O'Leary eff dem traitors
Trump planning to destroy Canada and Gretzky still smooching with the enemy along with Kevin O'Leary eff dem traitors
Gretzky probably lives in the US or had dual citizenship. He didn’t care. White oriole are detached from Canada now. It’s unrecognizable so they don’t have an issue giving it up.
Donald Trump may just cost Canada’s Conservatives the election
The President’s bombastic rants leave Pierre Poilievre’s party in an unenviable position
www.telegraph.co.uk
Donald Trump may just cost Canada’s Conservatives the election
The President’s bombastic rants leave Pierre Poilievre’s party in an unenviable position
Michael Coren
07 February 2025 12:47pm GMT
Last weekend at a National Basketball Association (NBA) game in Toronto between the Toronto Raptors and Los Angeles Clippers, the US anthem was uncharacteristically booed. It’s becoming something of a trend in Canada since Donald Trump threatened tariffs on Canadian goods being imported into the US, a plan put on hold for a month after Prime Minister Justin Trudeau promised to implement his December plan to spend $1.3 billion on reinforcing the border.
But this hasn’t stopped Trump’s repeated boasts that Canada would benefit from becoming the 51st state. The threatened tariffs are real but the rhetoric about Canada becoming part of its southern neighbour, on the other hand, is utter fantasy. Yet a fantasy that is motivating and provoking Canadians and is particularly damaging to Canada’s conservative party.
Canada’s population is close to 41 million, it’s a major trading nation, part of the G8, has a military that punches well above its weight, and a generally admirable and respected international reputation. Around 70% of the population vote for centre-Left or Left-wing parties, the country has long enjoyed a social democratic culture and a strong welfare system, and almost a quarter of Canadians speak French as their first language.
Canadian foreign policy has more in common with northern Europe than the US, the country is renowned as a peace-keeper rather than a warmonger, it’s part of the Commonwealth with the monarch as its head of state, and has cherished a separate identity from the Americans for 250 years. In fact, what are known as Empire Loyalists, some of the founders of modern Canada, were people who came north during the American Revolution because they insisted on living under the crown.
The country has fully-funded abortion, introduced same-sex marriage as early as 2005, abolished the death penalty in 1976 but had stopped executions some years earlier, has an extensive public broadcasting system, and sees public healthcare as a birth right.
In other words, there is no way that Donald Trump could legally, morally, politically, physically, or practically incorporate Canada into the American union. Apart from the facts and the history, one of Canada’s defining aspects of self-identity is that it’s not American. Not anti-American, that’s too harsh, but certainly non-American.
There are, however, social media calls for the 51st state that are allegedly from Canadians but these posts are more than likely translated from Russian. There’s simply no appetite for any of this even if it were possible. And that puts Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre in an unenviable position.
Up until now the leader of the opposition has been dominating the polls, an election has to be held this year, and Liberal leader and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is about to hand over his party to another, likely to be former Bank of England Governor Mark Carney.
The problem for Poilievre is that while Carney is able to appear as an economic expert who can fight tariffs, and a Canadian nationalist who detests Trumpian bombast, the Conservatives have lost some of their chosen battleground. They wanted to fight the election on Trudeau’s record, the unpopular carbon tax, and by using their war-cry that “Canada is Broken.” With Trump threatening annexation, cries that the country is already smashed have become politically dangerous, and everything is now about how Canada deals with the bully to the south. That’s a golden opportunity for the Liberals.
There’s also the fact that Poilievre is not only a Conservative but on the Right of the party, and has often been compared with Donald Trump. That’s unfair, and while the Conservative leader would likely cut spending and beef up foreign policy, he’s a thoughtful moderate compared to many of those currently dominating US politics.
There are a few Canadian Right-wingers who flirt with Americanisation but they’re limited in number, eccentric, and extreme. The paradox of all this is that the Canadian right has to condemn the US Right if it’s to be perceived as championing Canada, and is also forced to somehow defend the Liberal as it defends the country’s autonomy. That’s not going to be at all easy.
Just a few weeks ago, Canada’s Conservatives were looking forward not only to an electoral victory, but even to reducing the Liberals to a parliamentary rump. There may still be a victory but it’s not going to be straightforward and it’s no longer the cakewalk it was once considered. How ironic it would be if Donald Trump’s totally unnecessary rants, and rash economic policies, gave the party of Canadian liberalism yet another term in office.
Honestly, for Libs, this is their chance to recoup, regroup and win.Donald Trump may just cost Canada’s Conservatives the election
The President’s bombastic rants leave Pierre Poilievre’s party in an unenviable position
Donald Trump may just cost Canada’s Conservatives the election
The President’s bombastic rants leave Pierre Poilievre’s party in an unenviable position
Michael Coren
07 February 2025 12:47pm GMT
Last weekend at a National Basketball Association (NBA) game in Toronto between the Toronto Raptors and Los Angeles Clippers, the US anthem was uncharacteristically booed. It’s becoming something of a trend in Canada since Donald Trump threatened tariffs on Canadian goods being imported into the US, a plan put on hold for a month after Prime Minister Justin Trudeau promised to implement his December plan to spend $1.3 billion on reinforcing the border.
But this hasn’t stopped Trump’s repeated boasts that Canada would benefit from becoming the 51st state. The threatened tariffs are real but the rhetoric about Canada becoming part of its southern neighbour, on the other hand, is utter fantasy. Yet a fantasy that is motivating and provoking Canadians and is particularly damaging to Canada’s conservative party.
Canada’spopulation is close to 41 million, it’s a major trading nation, part of the G8, has a military that punches well above its weight, and a generally admirable and respected international reputation. Around 70% of the population vote for centre-Left or Left-wing parties, the country has long enjoyed a social democratic culture and a strong welfare system, and almost a quarter of Canadians speak French as their first language.
Canadian foreign policy has more in common with northern Europe than the US, the country is renowned as a peace-keeper rather than a warmonger, it’s part of the Commonwealth with the monarch as its head of state, and has cherished a separate identity from the Americans for 250 years. In fact, what are known as Empire Loyalists, some of the founders of modern Canada, were people who came north during the American Revolution because they insisted on living under the crown.
The country has fully-funded abortion, introduced same-sex marriage as early as 2005, abolished the death penalty in 1976 but had stopped executions some years earlier, has an extensive public broadcasting system, and sees public healthcare as a birth right.
In other words, there is no way that Donald Trump could legally, morally, politically, physically, or practically incorporate Canada into the American union. Apart from the facts and the history, one of Canada’s defining aspects of self-identity is that it’s not American. Not anti-American, that’s too harsh, but certainly non-American.
There are, however, social media calls for the 51st state that are allegedly from Canadians but these posts are more than likely translated from Russian. There’s simply no appetite for any of this even if it were possible. And that puts Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre in an unenviable position.
Up until now the leader of the opposition has been dominating the polls, an election has to be held this year, and Liberal leader and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is about to hand over his party to another, likely to be former Bank of England Governor Mark Carney.
The problem for Poilievre is that while Carney is able to appear as an economic expert who can fight tariffs, and a Canadian nationalist who detests Trumpian bombast, the Conservatives have lost some of their chosen battleground. They wanted to fight the election on Trudeau’s record, the unpopular carbon tax, and by using their war-cry that “Canada is Broken.” With Trump threatening annexation, cries that the country is already smashed have become politically dangerous, and everything is now about how Canada deals with the bully to the south. That’s a golden opportunity for the Liberals.
There’s also the fact that Poilievre is not only a Conservative but on the Right of the party, and has often been compared with Donald Trump. That’s unfair, and while the Conservative leader would likely cut spending and beef up foreign policy, he’s a thoughtful moderate compared to many of those currently dominating US politics.
There are a few Canadian Right-wingers who flirt with Americanisation but they’re limited in number, eccentric, and extreme. The paradox of all this is that the Canadian right has to condemn the US Right if it’s to be perceived as championing Canada, and is also forced to somehow defend the Liberal as it defends the country’s autonomy. That’s not going to be at all easy.
Just a few weeks ago, Canada’s Conservatives were looking forward not only to an electoral victory, but even to reducing the Liberals to a parliamentary rump. There may still be a victory but it’s not going to be straightforward and it’s no longer the cakewalk it was once considered. How ironic it would be if Donald Trump’s totally unnecessary rants, and rash economic policies, gave the party of Canadian liberalism yet another term in office.
Trudeau has been the most vocal (obviously) uniting the country. PP is Trump Lite, so he's viewed with that same lens now.
Libs should be thanking Trump
But, we're still fukked
Pierre Poilievre’s Lead Was Supposed to Be Unshakable. It Isn’t | The Walrus
Polls suggest Mark Carney is reshaping the electoral landscape
thewalrus.ca
Pierre Poilievre’s Lead Was Supposed to Be Unshakable. It Isn’t
Polls suggest Mark Carney is reshaping the electoral landscape
by Philippe J. Fournier Updated 8:22, Feb. 12, 2025 | Published 6:30, Feb. 12, 2025
Adrian Wyld/Darryl Dyck/CP / Brian Morgan“Events, dear boy,” then UK prime minister Harold Macmillan once said when asked what the greatest challenge for a statesman was. Never underestimate how events can shape—and reshape—public opinion quickly.
The past month of federal polling in Canada indicates that multiple events have caught the eyes and ears of voters. After more than a year of relatively stable numbers from coast to coast, all pointing toward a sweeping victory for Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives in the next federal election, everything seems to have turned on a dime.
Of course, not all events are created equal. First, we saw Justin Trudeau announce his resignation in early January, after eighteen months of increasingly poor polling numbers. Second, the Liberal leadership race got underway, drawing varying levels of interest across the country. But third—and most significantly: repeated threats of tariffs, annexation, and the use of “economic force” against Canada from the Bully-in-Chief south of the border may have shaken many to their core.
It appears that several Canadian voters are reconsidering their options, with only months to go before they are called to elect a new Parliament.
Last week, the latest Quebec-only Leger poll measured a significant uptick in support for the Liberals at the expense of the Bloc Québécois. With the soon-departing Trudeau still named as Liberal leader, 29 percent of Quebec respondents said they would support the Liberals if an election had been held last week. Compared to another Leger poll fielded in mid-January, Liberal support jumped eight points—well outside the poll’s estimated margin of error. The Bloc fell eight points, from 37 percent to 29 percent, while the Conservatives held third place with a respectable 24 percent in the province.
An anti-Trump sentiment bump from Quebec voters? Modest but notable approval of the federal government’s handling of Trump’s threats? Both are fair hypotheses to explain such a sharp shift in public sentiment.
However, this wasn’t even the most shocking part of Leger’s newest data.
Insert Mark Carney into the equation and the numbers take an unexpected turn. To the question “If Mark Carney were to become leader of the Liberal Party of Canada, which party would you support?”, 38 percent of Quebec respondents sided with the Liberals, compared to 24 percent for the Bloc and 22 percent for the Conservatives. You read that correctly: in this hypothetical scenario—which seems increasingly plausible as the Liberal leadership race progresses—a Carney-led Liberal Party would hold a fourteen-point lead over the Bloc.
An anglophone banker with acceptable-but-not-remarkable French giving the Liberals a boost in Quebec? Surely, this surge comes from support concentrated in Montreal’s stretch from Westmount to Beaconsfield, right?
Surprisingly, no. Leger’s numbers show that among Quebec’s francophone majority, inserting the former Bank of Canada governor as Liberal leader shifts the party from an eleven-point deficit to a three-point lead over the Bloc (see chart below).
Obviously, caution is warranted with polling numbers based on hypotheticals. Many Quebec voters may not be familiar with Carney, but Leger’s data suggests that the idea of him as Liberal leader at least intrigues many of them.
These Quebec numbers sparked questions about whether—and by how much—the political landscape is shifting. If there really is a rally-around-the-flag effect happening in francophone Quebec, of all places, surely this movement could be detected elsewhere in English Canada.
A new Nanos Research poll for CTV and the Globe and Mail asked Canadian voters who they felt would do the best job negotiating with US president Donald Trump. Nationally, 40 percent of respondents chose Carney, compared to 26 percent who were in favour of Poilievre, with another 13 percent selecting former finance minister and Liberal leadership candidate Chrystia Freeland.
The regional breakdown shows Carney leading by double digits in Atlantic Canada, Quebec, Ontario, and British Columbia. Only in the Prairies (Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta) did Poilievre hold an advantage over Carney.
Another piece of the puzzle: last Friday, Pallas Data released its latest national poll—the first fully fielded and published since Trump paused his tariff threats for thirty days—and the numbers point to a dramatic Liberal comeback. Pallas’s generic ballot (that is, with Trudeau as Liberal leader) showed the Conservative lead shrinking from seventeen points in January to just six points.
When Pallas tested a Carney-led Liberal Party against its rivals, the result was a statistical tie: Liberals at 39 percent, Conservatives at 38 percent, with the New Democratic Party taking the hardest hit, dropping to just 9 percent national support. In Quebec, the Pallas data all but confirmed Leger’s findings about Carney boosting Liberal fortunes.
Data points are adding up.
While the polls differ on the magnitude of this sudden shift in public opinion, they all agree on the direction of the trend. The events of recent months, to varying degrees, have reshaped the political landscape. We may have a real race, after all, once the writ drops later this year.
Some observers have been quick to point to past examples of new leaders and prime ministers enjoying short-lived honeymoons before crashing in a general election: John Turner in 1984, Kim Campbell in 1993. While these are valid precedents, nothing is set in stone. Both Campbell and Turner ran terribly poor campaigns that turned their respective honeymoons into political disasters, ultimately resulting in crushing defeats. We shall soon see whether history will repeat itself in 2025. Assuredly, more events are to come.
Pierre Poilievre’s Lead Was Supposed to Be Unshakable. It Isn’t | The Walrus
Polls suggest Mark Carney is reshaping the electoral landscape
Pierre Poilievre’s Lead Was Supposed to Be Unshakable. It Isn’t
Polls suggest Mark Carney is reshaping the electoral landscape
by Philippe J. Fournier Updated 8:22, Feb. 12, 2025 | Published 6:30, Feb. 12, 2025
Adrian Wyld/Darryl Dyck/CP / Brian Morgan
“Events, dear boy,” then UK prime minister Harold Macmillan once said when asked what the greatest challenge for a statesman was. Never underestimate how events can shape—and reshape—public opinion quickly.
The past month of federal polling in Canada indicates that multiple events have caught the eyes and ears of voters. After more than a year of relatively stable numbers from coast to coast, all pointing toward a sweeping victory for Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives in the next federal election, everything seems to have turned on a dime.
Of course, not all events are created equal. First, we saw Justin Trudeau announce his resignation in early January, after eighteen months of increasingly poor polling numbers. Second, the Liberal leadership race got underway, drawing varying levels of interest across the country. But third—and most significantly: repeated threats of tariffs, annexation, and the use of “economic force” against Canada from the Bully-in-Chief south of the border may have shaken many to their core.
It appears that several Canadian voters are reconsidering their options, with only months to go before they are called to elect a new Parliament.
Last week, the latest Quebec-only Leger poll measured a significant uptick in support for the Liberals at the expense of the Bloc Québécois. With the soon-departing Trudeau still named as Liberal leader, 29 percent of Quebec respondents said they would support the Liberals if an election had been held last week. Compared to another Leger poll fielded in mid-January, Liberal support jumped eight points—well outside the poll’s estimated margin of error. The Bloc fell eight points, from 37 percent to 29 percent, while the Conservatives held third place with a respectable 24 percent in the province.
An anti-Trump sentiment bump from Quebec voters? Modest but notable approval of the federal government’s handling of Trump’s threats? Both are fair hypotheses to explain such a sharp shift in public sentiment.
However, this wasn’t even the most shocking part of Leger’s newest data.
Insert Mark Carney into the equation and the numbers take an unexpected turn. To the question “If Mark Carney were to become leader of the Liberal Party of Canada, which party would you support?”, 38 percent of Quebec respondents sided with the Liberals, compared to 24 percent for the Bloc and 22 percent for the Conservatives. You read that correctly: in this hypothetical scenario—which seems increasingly plausible as the Liberal leadership race progresses—a Carney-led Liberal Party would hold a fourteen-point lead over the Bloc.
An anglophone banker with acceptable-but-not-remarkable French giving the Liberals a boost in Quebec? Surely, this surge comes from support concentrated in Montreal’s stretch from Westmount to Beaconsfield, right?
Surprisingly, no. Leger’s numbers show that among Quebec’s francophone majority, inserting the former Bank of Canada governor as Liberal leader shifts the party from an eleven-point deficit to a three-point lead over the Bloc (see chart below).
Obviously, caution is warranted with polling numbers based on hypotheticals. Many Quebec voters may not be familiar with Carney, but Leger’s data suggests that the idea of him as Liberal leader at least intrigues many of them.
These Quebec numbers sparked questions about whether—and by how much—the political landscape is shifting. If there really is a rally-around-the-flag effect happening in francophone Quebec, of all places, surely this movement could be detected elsewhere in English Canada.
A new Nanos Research poll for CTV and the Globe and Mail asked Canadian voters who they felt would do the best job negotiating with US president Donald Trump. Nationally, 40 percent of respondents chose Carney, compared to 26 percent who were in favour of Poilievre, with another 13 percent selecting former finance minister and Liberal leadership candidate Chrystia Freeland.
The regional breakdown shows Carney leading by double digits in Atlantic Canada, Quebec, Ontario, and British Columbia. Only in the Prairies (Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta) did Poilievre hold an advantage over Carney.
Another piece of the puzzle: last Friday, Pallas Data released its latest national poll—the first fully fielded and published since Trump paused his tariff threats for thirty days—and the numbers point to a dramatic Liberal comeback. Pallas’s generic ballot (that is, with Trudeau as Liberal leader) showed the Conservative lead shrinking from seventeen points in January to just six points.
When Pallas tested a Carney-led Liberal Party against its rivals, the result was a statistical tie: Liberals at 39 percent, Conservatives at 38 percent, with the New Democratic Party taking the hardest hit, dropping to just 9 percent national support. In Quebec, the Pallas data all but confirmed Leger’s findings about Carney boosting Liberal fortunes.
Data points are adding up.
While the polls differ on the magnitude of this sudden shift in public opinion, they all agree on the direction of the trend. The events of recent months, to varying degrees, have reshaped the political landscape. We may have a real race, after all, once the writ drops later this year.
Some observers have been quick to point to past examples of new leaders and prime ministers enjoying short-lived honeymoons before crashing in a general election: John Turner in 1984, Kim Campbell in 1993. While these are valid precedents, nothing is set in stone. Both Campbell and Turner ran terribly poor campaigns that turned their respective honeymoons into political disasters, ultimately resulting in crushing defeats. We shall soon see whether history will repeat itself in 2025. Assuredly, more events are to come.
well yeah it doesn't help for PP when he's sitting down with jordan peterson and getting endorsed by Elon MUSK
while america is trying to annex canada aand putting tarrifs on us
No Country wants a leader who is cavorting with the enemy