Interesting points here:
I want to read you two recent headlines from New York magazine. They were written within a week of each other. The first is “A.O.C. Is Just a Regular Old Democrat Now,” and that accuses you of compromising on your progressive ideals as you work within the party system. And then came the rebuttal, which was “The ‘A.O.C. Left’ Has Achieved Plenty,” which argued that your wing has pushed the party leftward. Why do you think your role is still being parsed this way by Democrats and by those on the left?
Part of it is because we haven’t really had a political presence like this in the United States before. I think very often you had this consummate insider that was bankrolled by corporate money and advancing this, frankly, very neoliberal agenda. And those were the people that we were used to seeing in power. And so I think over time there’s been an inherent association between power, ascent and quote-unquote selling out.
I often say to my grass-roots companions that the left, for a very long time, was not used to having power in the United States. And so when we encounter power, we’re so bewildered by it —
Suspicious of it?
Suspicious of it — that there’s no way in this country you can accrue any kind of power without there being some Faustian compromise.
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I want to ask you about the way that you politically engage, because you’ve defined a certain style. You’re extremely effective at using social media. We are now, though, in a different moment than we were when you first ran. There’s a real backlash to social media. Has your thinking on your use of it shifted?
Well, I do think that our media environment, including our social media environment, has changed dramatically over the last five years. Elon Musk taking over Twitter has dramatically changed the media environment. You’ve had this mass exodus from the platform. It’s become much more difficult for me, myself, to use. And that I think is reflected in my presence on some of these platforms.
What would make you get off X, formerly known as Twitter?
You know, this is a conversation that I’ve had. If one monitors my use of that platform, it has fallen precipitously. I think what would constitute a formal break is something that we actively discuss — whether it would require an event or if it’s just something that may one day happen.
You have 13 million followers there, so it’s a huge audience. It’s your largest audience on social media.
Absolutely. And that’s why it’s not something to be taken lightly.
I guess what I’m curious about is, for someone like you who has integrated the use of social media so much into the way that you engage with people, and especially young people — how you see your participation in a platform like Twitter or X, and how Elon Musk has been using it. It seems antithetical to what you have said you fundamentally believe in. Your being on the platform, it could be argued, somehow supports his platform.
It’s a legitimate point. It’s something that I have absolutely struggled with. I’ve certainly pulled back on my activity on the platform due to those concerns, and I do wrestle with that.
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Speaking of our closest neighbors, I want to talk about immigration. Under Biden, more asylum seekers are being held in private detention centers than under Trump. Families are still being separated. The Biden administration kept Trump-era policies that sped up deportations and made it harder for legitimate claimants to come to the U.S. So, what grade do you give the administration on immigration?
Immigration is arguably this administration’s weakest issue. This is one area where our policy is dictated by politics, arguably more so than almost any other. There are very clear recommendations and suggestions that we have made to the administration to provide relief on this issue, and it’s my belief that some of the hesitation around this has to do with a fear around just being seen as approving or providing permission structures, or really just the Republican narratives that have surrounded immigration.
We also need to examine the root causes of this migration and address that this problem doesn’t start at our border, but it starts with our foreign policy.
I mean, it doesn’t start at our border. And I know that this has been a right-wing talking point, but I do want to understand your thinking here. Why haven’t you used your considerable clout as a Latina leader to visit the border and highlight the ongoing issues there now, like you did during the Trump administration?
Well, this is something that we’re actively planning on. What I have done is tours of our New York-area facilities. Right now, this crisis is in our own backyard, and we have toured the Roosevelt Hotel, and I think it’s been very important for us to — especially to my constituents, who are demanding accountability on this — to look at that front line that is right here in New York City.
I want to get to New York, but we’re two and a half years into this administration, the crisis has been burgeoning, and you have been a self-declared and widely viewed leader on this issue.
Yes, yes. Well, I mean, again, I think that this is something that we have been working on. But when this crisis is right here in our own backyard, I have absolutely prioritized having that visitation presence. And I also think that there’s a very, very, very dangerous understanding of the frontline of our migration crisis being just our border. And if we only think of the immigration crisis as a border issue and only understand our border as a southern border and not John F. Kennedy Airport, that constitutes a lack of imagination when it comes to immigration.
But under the Trump administration, you did make the southern border an issue.
Yes. And again, I will be visiting the border.
Let me ask you this: 100,000 migrants, as you have pointed to, have come to New York City, which your district is a part of. The city estimates it will spend $5 billion on caring for new arrivals this year. Some of this crisis is because migrants are being bused to New York by certain governors, but it’s a real crisis, and a lot of New Yorkers don’t like it. Sixty-two percent of registered voters in New York City, one poll found, support relocating migrants to other parts of the state. You’ve said New Yorkers would welcome migrants, but they’re actually protesting. Have you misread your constituents’ feelings about this?
I don’t think so. I think that we’re still willing, but what we need is partnership from the federal government. And I have not been shy around criticism of how the Biden administration has handled this issue. New York City is the front line on this, and we have regularly asked the administration for many, many different avenues of relief.
I think the issue that New Yorkers have is not that there are immigrants coming to New York City, but that immigrants are being prevented from sustaining and supporting themselves. We have New Yorkers, and we have New York businesses, that want to receive migrants and want to employ migrants. And that includes across the state. We have a robust agricultural sector that wants to hire migrants — they have said this repeatedly. A hospitality sector that wants to do the same. And the Biden administration’s refusal to open up work authorizations or extend temporary protective status really prevents us from doing what we do best, which is allowing and creating an environment where immigrants from all over the world can create a livelihood here.