Essential Afro-Latino/ Caribbean Current Events

Yehuda

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The late Cuban artist Belkis Ayón's mysterious world unfurls at the Fowler Museum

'Work-in-progress' video of Belkis Ayón

By Deborah Vankin

SEPTEMBER 23, 2016, 5:00 A.M. | REPORTING FROM HAVANA, CUBA

The moment is shrouded in secrets.

Cuban artist Belkis Ayón’s family home sits on a quiet street of central Havana, the charm of the house belying the mysteries of her death. White shutters open to leafy banana trees and crowing roosters. A warm, mango-scented breeze wafts through the central hallway, which is lined with the artist’s storied prints.

But a certain heaviness also flows through the house. In 1999, at just 32, one of the most important Cuban artists of the decade shot herself in the head with her father’s gun. Ayón didn’t leave a suicide note, but she did leave behind a prolific body of work that explores the dark mythology of Abakuá, an all-male, Afro-Cuban secret society not unlike the Masons.

Today, three generations of Ayón’s family live here, looking after her oeuvre. In the living room, Ayón’s sister and niece talk about the enormous unframed prints that are nearly as tall as the wall they’re tacked to. The haunting black-and-white artworks will travel for an exhibition at the Fowler Museum at UCLA opening Oct. 2; but on this humid May afternoon, the works are on view for visitors to the house who seem equally drawn to and frightened by the imagery. The prints are teeming with graphic renderings of snakes and fish and goats; dark silhouettes and ghostly-white figures with oblong heads and empty, almond-shaped eyes take part in Abakuá rites and rituals.

“The work is powerful but can be scary too,” Ayón’s older sister, Katia Ayón Manso, says in Spanish through a translator. “The clean precision in the lines and the high level of her work reveal the mastery she reached in printmaking.”

Ayón was a pioneer of large-scale printmaking and collography, a complex, labor-intensive technique using intricately collaged cardboard plates. She rose in the contemporary art world in the 1990s, a period of dire poverty in Cuba after the fall of the Soviet Union, when supplies for artists were hard to come by. Her innovative, multi-paneled works boldly mine the insular brotherhood of Abakuá through a distinctly feminist lens and offer veiled commentary on contemporary Cuban politics and culture.

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Belkis Ayn at the Havana Galerie, Zrich, Aug. 23, 1999. (Werner Gadliger)

Forty-three of Ayón’s works — from when she was in high school to the year she died — will be on view in the Fowler exhibition “Nkame: A Retrospective of Cuban Printmaker Belkis Ayón.” Although the artist’s work is included in the collections of the Museum of Contemporary Art in L.A. and the Museum of Modern Art in New York, and even though she has shown in American art galleries ever since her first U.S. exhibition at L.A.’s Couturier Gallery in 1998, the Fowler’s “Nkame” is the first U.S. museum retrospective of her work.

“It’s an important moment,” Fowler Director Marla Berns says. “At this time of reopening of diplomatic relations between America and Cuba, it’s important for people to learn more about Cuban culture and artists of great talent that they may never have heard of before because of the limited access we’ve had to Cuba. A larger American audience will now become aware of Belkis Ayón, both as an Afro-Cuban artist and one of the most accomplished contemporary printmakers anywhere.”

The Fowler exhibition is something Ayón’s niece, Yadira Leyva Ayón, never could have imagined even just a few years ago. As she gives a tour of the house, where the chirping of parakeets in brightly colored cages fills a courtyard off the kitchen, Leyva Ayón says improved U.S.-Cuba relations helped the exhibition to come together relatively easily.

“Now, it’s like a whole world of possibilities in front of us,” she says.

Ayón’s 74-year-old mother, a slip of a woman barely 5 feet tall, shuffles by in purple slippers and a bright smile, then disappears into her bedroom to watch Cuban game shows on a static-y black-and-white TV. Nearly every patch of white wall space here is covered with Ayón’s works, but they’re just the tip of the iceberg — the artist worked fast and focused, her family says, creating more than 200 editions, each print consisting of up to 18 individually made panels.

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"La consagracin II" ("The Consecration II"), 1991. (Belkis Ayn)

After Ayón’s death, her sister, Ayón Manso, gave up her career as a doctor to look after the artworks left behind. Conservation of the paper works, in a humid country where temperature-controlled, museum-grade storage isn’t widely available, has been a constant battle. But the family does the best it can, storing the prints in custom-built, cedar wood flat files stuffed with mothballs and moisture absorbers, providing as much protection as in some museums in Cuba.

Ayón Manso misses practicing medicine, she says, “but our intention is to keep Belkis’ legacy alive.”

At this, Leyva Ayón surveys her aunt’s works on the walls. Her eyes well with tears as she recalls the tragic day Ayón died.

“She shot herself in my grandmother’s [former] house, in the bathroom,” Leyva Ayón says. “When they returned from the hospital, my grandmother had her shoes covered in blood. I realized something very bad had happened with my aunt.”

Leyva Ayón takes a moment to compose herself.

“It’s so difficult for us to talk about, it was shocking for everyone,” she says, adding that her aunt was known for her big laugh. “She had a big ha-ha mouth. Super-noisy.”

Why the artist with the cheery demeanor and boisterous laugh took her own life remains a mystery.

“She was like a light bulb who lit up a room,” says L.A. gallerist Darrel Couturier, who spoke to Ayón on the phone just two days before she died. “We made arrangements to meet in Philadelphia, and she sounded great and fine and happy. She was going to begin doing work in color again at the Brandywine Graphic Workshop there. If she was depressed, she never showed that side of herself.”

Even as a child, Ayón was bursting with energy and cheer — so much so that her mother enrolled a 7-year-old Belkis in a painting workshop in Old Havana to calm her. She took to art immediately. In high school, at San Alejandro Academy of Fine Arts, Ayón became fascinated by Abakuá. She dedicated her work to the narrative of the secret society, which Nigerian slaves brought to Cuba and which is now recognized as a religion in the country.

Ayón related to one of the central figures in the Abakuá myths, the strong Princess Sikan, whom she saw as her alter ego. But whereas Sikan was killed for revealing secrets, Ayón kept Sikan alive and thriving in her artworks, a survivor.

Ayón boldly experimented in her art. Shortly after graduating from Havana’s distinguished Instituto Superior de Arte in ’91, she switched to working only in black, white and gray largely because the stark palette heightened the drama in her prints. She used a variety of materials on each printing surface, or matrix — soft paper, cardboard, sandpaper, vegetable peelings, acrylic paint — that left gradations of ink. She painted over parts of the matrix to create raised surfaces and carved into other areas, creating grooves to trap the ink. Then she ran the matrix and paper through a hand-cranked printing press.

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"La familia" ("The Family"), 1991 (Collection of the Belkis Ayn Estate)

The result, a reverse impression of the matrix, was a rich tapestry of crackles and swirls, floral patterns, circular and geometric shapes, along with human and animal forms. All were layered on top of an enigmatic, storied narrative brimming with crosses, halos and other religious iconography, as well as art history references.

Eventually Ayón headed up the printmaking department at ISA, and she served as the president of the artists division of UNEAC, the national union for artists and writers. In 1993 she took part in the Venice Biennale and the same year was awarded the international prize at the International Graphics Biennale in Maastricht, the Netherlands.

“Nkame,” organized by the Belkis Ayón Estate and Ayón Manso with the Fowler Museum, was guest-curated by Havana-based curator Cristina Vives-Figueroa. The show is divided into five sections grouped around the developmental stages of Belkis’ work, following an intensified interest in Abakuá.

The introductory section in the show spotlights one of Ayón’s signature works, the six-panel “La Cena,” (“The Supper”). In the work, Ayón has replaced the Jesus figure at the center of the table with Sikan, glowing in all white, and most of the male apostles are replaced by women. The original matrix it was made from hangs opposite it.

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"La cena" ("The Supper"), 1991. (Collection of the Belkis Ayn Estate)

The second section focuses on the artist’s early work, the third on the role of Sikan in Abakuá, the fourth on her largest-format prints and the fifth on her latest work, medium-sized circular prints from 1998 that are more self-referential.

Ayón’s family says it hopes to one day open a proper museum in Havana of Ayón’s work and, with the ongoing opening of Cuba, to continue to organize international retrospectives, showing the work as far and wide as possible.

Presenting “Nkame,” which means “greeting” or “praise” in the language of Abakuá, in Los Angeles is the first step.

“It’s like a [tribute],” Leyva Ayón says of the exhibition.

“Here in Cuba, we always keep hope for everything,” she says. “And we have hope that now, so many people will see Belkis’ work. It’s important for our culture and our family. She was a very outstanding artist and person. And this way, we keep her alive.”

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‘Nkame: A Retrospective of Cuban Printmaker Belkis Ayón’

Where: Fowler Museum at UCLA, 308 Charles E. Young Drive North, Los Angeles

When: Oct. 2 to Feb. 12; museum is open noon to 8 p.m. Wednesdays, noon to 5 p.m. Thursdays-Sundays

Admission: Free

Information: (310) 825-4361, www.fowler.ucla.edu

deborah.vankin@latimes.com

Follow me on Twitter: @debvankin

The late Cuban artist Belkis Ayón's mysterious world unfurls at the Fowler Museum
 

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Brazil, once a haven, now a dead end for many Haitians

RIO DE JANEIRO
Jocelyn Benoit wants to go home. He just can’t.

Benoit is one of thousands of Haitians stuck in Brazil, where many headed after the island’s 2010 earthquake. They withstood arduous journeys across Andean high plains and Amazonian jungles to reach Brazil — only to find themselves a few years later in a worse economic situation than the one they fled. Now many are weighing an equally perilous exit, to other Latin American countries or even the U.S.

Benoit, 32, arrived in 2014, lured by what seemed a promising future. Brazil was hosting soccer’s World Cup that year and in two more would host the Olympics in Rio. Work would be plentiful, he assumed.

“I got here in 2014, things were better. In 2015, things started to go down,” Benoit said.

Brazil is now mired in its worst economic downturn since it returned to democratic rule in 1985. Haitians, always at the bottom rung of the economic ladder, have seen their work disappear.

“I am unemployed. Everyone is unemployed,” Benoit said, interviewed at an evangelical church in the sprawling urban slum of Jacarepagua in northwest Rio de Janeiro.

Originally, he landed a job in construction as he had hoped. But then he became ill with tuberculosis, requiring seven months of treatment before he was better.

“I am good to work, but I can’t find any,” said Benoit, who has a wife and two young daughters back in Haiti. “I want to see my family. I have no way to earn money for airfare to go see them. I am praying to God for help.”

Other Haitians, like LaPhontan Papayer, a fellow parishioner at the Assembly of the City, say they spent a life savings just to get to Brazil. Now, with little to show for the difficult trip through Ecuador to Peru and the Amazon, they are despondent.

Papayer, 40 and unemployed since April, is desperate to find work so he can send money home to his wife and five children in Haiti: “The Brazilian people are marvelous … but because of economic problems, everything is expensive, there is not enough work, so many Haitians are really suffering here.”

Brazil grants 2,000 visas a month to Haitians seeking to relocate. Even with the economic downturn, Brazil remains open to Haitians, though many are leaving.

“If we decide to receive them in Brazil, it’s not up to us to tell them, ‘Look don't go to Brazil because conditions are not ideal.’ We cannot say that. It’s up to them to decide,” Fernando Vidal, Brazil’s ambassador to Haiti, recently told McClatchy in Haiti.

The number of Haitians arriving today in Brazil through the informal routes has slowed to a trickle. A refuge in the state of Acre has closed. The flow of humanity now goes in the other direction.

“About 35 percent have left, many are still leaving and many are preparing,” said Fedo Bacourt, a Haitian immigrant and history professor who founded the Social Union of Haitian Immigrants (USIH), a group in Sao Paulo that provides social services to immigrants across Brazil. “Life here is very, very hard. … You can count on your hands the number of migrants who are working.”

Many Haitians, lacking solid Portuguese and unaccustomed to Brazil’s ways, fall prey to predatory employers, said Bacourt, including some who engage in what Brazilian law calls “conditions analogous to slavery.” These Haitian workers aren’t paid, or they’re fed and housed but charged more than they earn.

Haitians are leaving Brazil for places that might offer new opportunities. Many try Chile. Others make the longer journey to Costa Rica.

Valéry Numa, a Haitian journalist and radio personality who premiered his documentary Destination Brésil — or Destination Brazil — to a packed audience in August in the Haitian capital of Port-au-Prince said he didn’t fully understand the level of suffering in Brazil until he visited for his documentary.

“It was a shock for me when I realized that there were Haitians who were sleeping underneath bridges,” he said. “Another shock was the realization that there were Haitians who have been in Brazil for three years and not working. They aren’t doing anything to make ends meet. They survive at the mercy of churches.”

Between 2014 and 2015, some 40,000 Haitians left Brazil for Chile, Numa estimates, but Chile is simply another step, “a place for them to do some kind of standby to [eventually] enter the United States.”

One of the few avenues of help for Haitians in Brazil is the non-profit group Viva Rio, with offices in both countries. The group — through its Haiti Aqui project — help Haitians in Brazil with training, job tips and an online radio program in Creole. The idea, said Rubem Fernandes, Viva Rio’s director and a noted anthropologist, is to help them “assimilate without losing their culture.”

But Brazil hasn’t turned out to be the answer for the Haitians who can no longer make a living. “A Haitian here can’t live without training. You will earn little and we need to earn more [to send home],” said Liger Ernest, a young Haitian in the church band. “There are lots of Haitians who are drowning in the seas, in the rivers. We need another place to live.”

Franco Ordonez in the Washingon bureau and Jaqueline Charles of the Miami Herald contributed to this report.


Read more here: Brazil, once a haven, now a dead end for many Haitians
 
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For the first time in its history, Miss Brasil contest will have six black women competing for the title!

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Note from BW of Brazil: Well, it’s definitely gonna be interesting this year! In case you’re wondering, I’m speaking of the annual Miss Brasil competition, an event that is normally lilly white in terms of its contestants. While it is true that beauty contests are frivolous events that simply rank women (mostly) according to their physical appearances that in many ways simply maintains the image of women as mere objects to be visually appreciated. But in another way, the contests tells us much about how Western societies view non-white women. As has been pointed out on this blog numerous times over the course of nearly five years, since its inception in 1954, only once has a black woman claimed the crown of Miss Brasil. Since Brazil’s three and a half century experiment with African slavery, the country’s elites have sought to keep black women in only a few stereotypical positions: manual labor and sexual availability.

Over this same period, it has been and continues to be the white woman who is held up as the standard of beauty, respectability, morals, the perfect wife and mother. With this in mind, it makes perfect sense as to why, in the minds of many, a black woman isn’t and cannot represent the ideal of the perfect woman. Sure, a black woman can be expected to clean the kitchen, cook the meals, take care of the master’s her boss’s children and dance a samba almost completely nude for millions to see, but she CANNOT represent a Miss; that’s reserved for a white woman. At least that’s the message we’ve received over the past 62 years. And even though Deise Nunes managed to slip through the cracks of white supremacy and become the first and only black Miss Brasil in 1986, the standard clearly remains the same.

In the past several weeks, we’ve followed the state competitions and watched as a record six black women claimed the right to represent their states in the October contest. This writer even went out on a limb and predicted that an Afro-Brazilian woman would claim the crown this year. It would only make sense. But again, this doesn’t necessarily mean that things are changing in terms of the racial hierarchy or Brazil’s European standards of beauty. But it does mean that the activism of black women has garnered far more attention than ever before in Brazil’s history. And that is exactly what we hope to see one black woman make next month in São Paulo!

For the first time, Miss Brasil contest will have six black candidates in the competition

By Jéssica Munhoz, with information courtesy of Correio Braziliense

The participation of black women in the Miss Brasil contest is still considerably low, considering that just over half of the population is of African descent. However, it seems that things are finally changing. In the 2016 edition, for the first time, six black candidates will represent their states in contention for the crown. The number corresponds to only about 25% of the participants, but it is already possible to identify an improvement in the diversity of selection.

The candidates represent the states of Bahia, Espírito Santo, Maranhão, Paraná, Rondônia and São Paulo. Amid the current movement involving representation and black feminism, the selection of these women can be interpreted as part of the changes achieved by the discussions.

Besides representing black skin, they are also a reference for women who wish to assume the naturalness of their hair. Meet six Misses of their states:

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Victoria Esteves | Miss Bahia 2016

Miss Bahia, 18, is a law student (Photo: Lucas Ismael)

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Beatriz Leite Nalli | Miss Espírito Santo

Miss Espírito Santo, 18, is a dancer

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Deise D’Anne – Miss Maranhão 2016 (Photo: Lucas Ismael)

Miss Maranhão, 26, is a student of Physical Education

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Raissa Santana | Miss Paraná 2016

Miss Paraná, 21, is a Marketing student (Photo: Lucas Ismael)

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Mariana Theol | Miss Rondônia 2016

Miss Rondônia, 21, is an Architecture student (Photo: Lucas Ismael)

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Sabrina Paiva | Miss São Paulo 2016

Miss São Paulo, 21, is an Advertising student (Photo: Lucas Ismael / BE Emotion)

National crown

Throughout the history of Miss Brasil – which had its first edition in 1954 – there has only been one black winner, the gaúcha (native of the state of Rio Grande do Sul) Deise Nunes in 1986. In the following editions, there were no more winners with dark skin. The lack of afrodescendente (African descendant) candidates in the selection of women who represent their states contribute to this situation.

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Deise Nunes – Miss Brasil 1986

In the 2015 edition, among the 27 candidates, only one was black: Miss Federal District Amanda Balbino. According to the Núcleo Bandeirante native, after passing through several episodes of racism, she gave up on being a model and participating in beauty contests. As a child, Amanda was always the best of her class. Therefore, many suggested that she venture into a modeling career. When she livened up to the idea and decided to follow the recommendation, she ended up disappointed. “They wanted me straighten my hair, thin my nose, change my features so I decided to give up,” (1) she told CorreioBraziliense. These were some of the “barriers that many call invisible” of which Amanda spoke of in her Facebook account and that she had to overcome, all based on racial prejudice.

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Amanda Balbino – Miss Federal District 2015 (Photo: Minervino Junior)

In her Facebook account, having just been crowned, Amanda also spoke about the difficulties faced to get the crown. “So many other black women carried on, persisted and faced these barriers that many call ‘invisible’, but if they asked we would know our color,” she declared.

The world

The Miss USA this year, Deshauna Barber, is black and faced the prejudice of many Americans. The winner of the beauty contest is a lieutenant of the US Army and also fights against the crimes of racism, and talks about empowerment and racial struggles.

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Deshauna Barber, Miss USA (Photo: Ethan Miller)

The Miss Universe has in its history only four black winners. The last, crowned in 2011, was the Angolan Leila Lopes. She was elected in São Paulo and leveraged the crowd that cheered more for her than for the Brazilian candidate. Leila is the second Miss Universe from Africa.





Source: B Haz, Correio Braziliense

Note

  1. It’s always fascinating to see how Brazil proclaims itself to be such a diverse nation with an endless plethora of phenotypes, while simultaneously promoting a European standard that women of African descent must adhere to. Is there any wonder why cosmetic surgery is so common in Brazil? Amanda Balbino is clearly a black woman but it is also clear that she has some degree of racial admixture in her genetic pool. But the bottom line here is that to pass through Brazil’s Eurocentric standard, a person of mixed race must look white or have negligible non-Eurocentric features to be considered truly beautiful. In other words, although Brazil claims to be proud of its mixed race heritage, whiteness remains the desired classification and appearance.
For the first time in its history, Miss Brasil contest will have six black women competing for the title!
 

Yehuda

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Had no idea about this. I watched the Miss São Paulo contest, I wanted this chick to win
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Glad to see all the Black women competing but they are a lil :mjpls: looking for me
 

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Haiti - FLASH : Temporary Closure of Suriname Consulate in Haiti

16/09/2016 09:30:01

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Recall that due to the importance of the flow of migrants of Haitian origin and a complaint from France, Suriname has made it mandatory a visa for Haitians who came into effect Thursday, September 15.

However, in Port-au-Prince more than a hundred Haitian who wanted to go to Paramaribo (Par'bo) the capital of Suriname, found themseld front a Suriname Consulate with closed door, on which was displayed a NOTICE :

From Tuesday 13 September, the General Consulate of Suriname in Haiti is closed until further notice. We apologize for any inconvenience this may cause.

In case of emergency call 28-18-10-00 / 28-28-20-00 ;
Or write us on our email address : cons.haiti@foreignaffairs.gov.sr


Shocked to learn that they now needed a visa to travel to Suriname, unable to make the request with a closed consulate, strongly criticized the diplomatic authorities of Suriname, Haitians gathered outside the Consulate wondered who would refund their airfare and hotel reservations.

While the spirits became heated and the tone was rising, the police finally intervened to restore order and disperse the protesters before the situation turns violent.

See also :
Suriname, Visa mandatory for Haitian

SL/ HaitiLibre

Haiti - FLASH : Temporary Closure of Suriname Consulate in Haiti
 

Yehuda

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The secret lives of Afro-Mexicans in America

2/5/16 12:05 PM

By Walter Thompson-Hernández

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Walter Thompson Hernández

Like most Mexican immigrants in Santa Ana, California, the Cisneros family frequently participates in cultural and ethnic celebrations that remind them of the lives they once led in Cuanjinicuilapa, Guerrero—a small, quaint town in southern Mexico.

Their home is adorned with ornaments they have accumulated over the years, from Mexican calendars to small trinkets, each wall lined with nostalgic portraits of quinceañeras, weddings, and other family celebrations. Their kitchen holds an assortment of Mexican spices and herbs that help create recipes they learned from their Mexican relatives. They communicate primarily in Spanish.

Even so, people who don’t know them are often “alarmed” to hear them speak Spanish or identify as Mexican, patriarch Luis Cisneros acknowledged.

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Walter Thompson-Hernández

From left to right: Reyna Salinas and the Cisneros family: Lorena, Crystal, Luis, and Paco

The Cisneros clan is one of the many Afro-Mexican families in Santa Ana who proudly identify with both Mexican heritage and their African ancestry.

Like other Afro-Mexican families from Cuanjinicuilapa, Luis and his wife Lorena immigrated to Santa Ana—a city of 330,000 some 30 miles south of Los Angeles—because there were dismal employment opportunities in their hometown. While there’s no exact count for the Afro-Mexican population in the U.S., according to the 2010 Census there are roughly 25,000 Latinos of African descent in Los Angeles County.

And according to Luis, Santa Ana is only one of the many cities where Afro-Mexicans have migrated. “I have relatives that moved to North Carolina to work and they are happy over there,” he said from the family living room.

Luis and Lorena were both born and raised in Cuanjinicuilapa and were married as teenagers. But each immigrated to the U.S. at separate times during the early 1990s. Today, they live in a community that boasts a large concentration of first- and second-generation Mexican immigrant families who primarily hail from Central-Western Mexican states like Jalisco and Michoacán. Being around other Mexican immigrants, they explained, has given them a much-needed glimpse of life back in Guerrero—and the relatives they left behind. Their children Crystal and Paco, however, were born and raised in Santa Ana and feel strongly connected to their U.S. upbringings.

While their hometown isn’t as well known as larger Mexican cities like Mexico City and Guadalajara, Cuanjinicuilapa has recently garnered international attention for the advocacy work of Afro-Mexican groups like Mexico Negro, which recently pushed the Mexican government to include Afro-Mexicans on the national census – counting approximately 1.4 million people of African ancestry throughout the country.

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Walter Thompson-Hernández

Crystal holds a photograph of her visit to her grandmother in Mexico.

Still, compared to Mexico’s indigenous and mestizo populations, little is known about a group of people who are the direct descendants of enslaved Africans forcefully brought to Mexico in the 16th century through the port city of Veracruz.

Beginning in the 16th century, the Spanish crown imported approximately 200,000 Africans to Mexico to replace a depleting indigenous labor force. At one point, historians claim, one of every two African slaves headed to the Americas were brought to Mexico during this same time period.

Following its independence from Spain in 1821, Mexican President Vicente Guerrero – whose father was of African ancestry—abolished slavery in 1829, long before it was abolished in the U.S.

Today, the inclusion of Afro-Mexicans as a distinct racial and ethnic category brings a semblance of hope for a population that has historically experienced generational economic, and political neglect. But Afro-Mexican families in the U.S., like the Cisneroses, continue to have looming questions about their identity and future.

According to Jennifer Jones, a professor of sociology at the University of Notre Dame, the experiences of Afro-Mexicans in the U.S. have failed to receive the same recognition as Afro-descendants in Mexico for a variety of reasons including legal status, access to resources, and police harassment.

“They tend to come from low-income farming communities,” she explained, “and migrated here for economic opportunity. Most of them are just trying to get by. They are identifiable minorities, unable to access drivers’ licenses, educational opportunities, and in most cases, afraid of being targeted by law enforcement.”

Being an Afro-Mexican in the U.S., Jones said, is complicated.

“Afro-Mexicans, like other Afro-Latinos, are in a position to experience and recognize how their racialized experiences put them at the intersection of two major moments in minority mobilization—Black Lives Matter and immigrant mobilization,”she said. “Undoubtedly, many Afro-Mexicans see and experience these connections. But we tend to ignore the voices of Afro-Latinos in general—treating Latino and black as discrete categories, when in fact there are many who fully embody both of these categories.”

But it’s far from a homogenous experience – and within every family and community there exists nuance and a generational component that creates unique experiences.

Luis and Lorena Cisneros

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Walter Thompson-Hernández

Lorena and Luis were born in the same hometown, but immigrated to the United States separately.

For Luis, living in Santa Ana has meant always having to explain his “Mexicanness” to people. Because he’s often mistaken for African American, “passing” has also brought him some advantages.

“When I first arrived to Santa Ana,” he explained, “it was easier for me to live here because everyone thought I was African American. My Mexican friends would always joke that when I was crossing the border, I didn’t need to wait in line with them.”

When asked about his relationship to African Americans, Luis said he has always felt connected to the community and believed they didn’t “have many differences.” But while he has amicable relationships, he ultimately feels that not speaking English has prevented him from having many non-Latino friends.

“We are the same as black people, and we live very similar lives,” he said. “I don’t speak English and that has affected things, and sometimes that confuses a lot of people. But we are the same.”

Luis saw considerable similarities between his experiences and that of African Americans—his wife did not. She spoke of differences that stemmed from a lack of frequent exposure and contact.

“I haven’t had many experiences with black people here because of language differences,” she said. “I think they’re different than us. But I almost always interact with people from Cuanjinicuilapa because I don’t feel connected to other people because I don’t speak English.”

Like her husband, Lorena also feels positive about the recent developments with the Afro-Mexican community in Mexico, but also believes that more resources are needed.

“I was happy because the Mexican government has now given these people value and their rights,” she explained. “Afro-Mexicans in Guerrero need more help than others. Those communities have no doctors or schools. And people barely have clothes on their back and they need schools and hospitals over there.”

“We have always been in Mexico,” said Luis. “The government just didn’t count us.”

Crystal Cisneros

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Walter Thompson-Hernández

Crystal, 21, says people always ask about her racial background. She likes to make them guess.

Crystal’s parents have to navigate a society where language differences impact their interpersonal relationships. Crystal, 21, in contrast, was born and raised in the U.S and speaks English. But she still gets questioned about her racial background all the time.

“I like to have them guess,” Crystal said. “I usually get Dominican and Puerto Rican, but I never get Mexican. People would say I didn’t look Mexican. It used to offend me. It used to really bug me at first. But not anymore. At the end of the day, I know I’m Mexican and that’s what I am.”

Growing up as first-generation Afro-Mexican in Santa Ana has meant that her peer group was formed around people who looked like her but did not necessarily share the same ethnic background. One particular experience in high school stood out to Crystal among the rest.

“When I went to a new high school, my first friend was black and was also new to the school, and she said that the only reason she talked to me was because I was dark-skinned and she thought I was a black girl with good hair. We were friends and I hung out with her friends who were also black, and we were the “black girls” at school. I didn’t fit in with the Hispanics because I didn’t look like them. They were light-skinned with dark hair and the color of my skin wasn’t the same as theirs.”

Having to constantly explain herself to her peers was “tiring and frustrating” for Crystal. Traveling to her parents’ hometown to visit her relatives provided her with a sense of racial assurance that she did not find in Santa Ana.

“I’ve gone to Guerrero three times and I love it. Everyone who lives there looks like me, and it makes me feel at home. I never have to explain myself. The first time I went there, I was in high school and I went with my brothers. My dad’s side of the family and I all look alike—we’re dark-skinned and curly-haired. It was amazing.”

Reyna Salinas

reyna.jpg

Walter Thompson-Hernández

Reynas Salinas met the Cisneros family on Facebook. She says her Afro-Mexican roots go back generations.

Reyna, also a native of Cuanjinicuilapa, met the Cisneros family on an Afro-Mexican Facebook page in 2010. They’ve since created a relationship founded on their shared love for their hometown and their shared experiences in Santa Ana.

When asked why she chose to live in Santa Ana, Reyna said the community of Afro-Mexicans and African Americans there makes her feel comfortable.

“I’ve lived in Santa Ana for 19 years because all my raza is here. It feels like home,” she said.
“Even though I’m not very close to the black people here, they think I’m one of them. I don’t mind it because, to me, there is no difference between Afro-Mexicans and black people here – we come from the same place.”

For Reyna, knowing her Afro-Mexican roots (which according to her “date back generations”) has given her a sense of pride in who she is.

“I’ve always known I was an Afro-Mexican woman,” she recalled. “I am very aware of the history of our people. When I was a kid, my grandparents would tell us that we came from Africa. My father would say that African slaves who moved there long ago founded our pueblo. They even said that they used to have round huts made of straw and palm leaves.”

But while it may appear that Afro-Mexican communities in Mexico like Cuanjinicuilapa, will benefit from recent legislation, Reyna feels like U.S. Afro-Mexican communities still need to be acknowledged.

“Afro-Mexicans in the U.S. need to also be recognized. People do not know enough about us. We exist in Guerrero, but we also exist in the U.S. – they cannot forget about us.”

The Secret Lives of Afro-Mexicans in America
 

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TRIAL OF THOSE RESPONSIBLE FOR PRISON MASSACRE ANNULLED

São Paulo’s State Court has decided to annul the trial of law enforcement agents who killed 102 prisoners in 1992


By plus55 on Sep 27, 2016

carandiru-1024.jpg


On October 2, 1992, the São Paulo Military Police Department staged its most infamous case of police brutality: the Carandiru Massacre. On that occasion, dozens of law enforcement agents stormed a São Paulo prison – which used to be Latin America’s largest – following a prison riot. It resulted in the confirmed deaths of 111 inmates (102 of them shot by the police, and another 9 killed by other inmates), in one of the biggest displays of human rights violations to ever take place in Brazil. Seventy-four agents were convicted for murder (102 were indicted) – but São Paulo’s State Court has decided to annul the trial. It’s brought the case against them back to square one.

State judges based their decision on a technicality. One judge even denied that the massacre ever took place, and wanted the charges to be dismissed. According to Judge Ivan Sartori, the event “wasn’t a massacre, but self-defense.” Let’s not forget the fact that many bodies were found with bullet marks in the back of the head, in classic execution style.

cara-800.jpg


The massacre started after a riot in the Carandiru prison, which housed up to 8,000 inmates until its dismantle in 2002. A fight between two inmates quickly escalated into a general rebellion, with prisoners burning mattresses and blocking entrances to the cellblocks. After less than an hour of negotiations between state officials and prisoners, the raid troops were ordered to storm the prison. Within 30 minutes, 102 inmates were killed, each shot an average of five times. Not a single agent lost his life. After the raids, the surviving inmates were ordered to pile up the bodies on the prison’s first floor.

According to the judges who dismissed the trial, it is illegal to convict the 74 law enforcement agents involved in the raid, since there was no analysis performed on the ballistics. According to the legal decision, it is impossible to determine which officer killed which inmate. Based on that technicality, the judges considered that the convictions of the agents were unsupported by the evidence presented.

The brutality of the Carandiru Massacre was a defining moment of the 1990s in Brazil. The episode served as material for musicians, such as Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, and the director Hector Babenco, who directed the 2003 movie Carandiru.



TRIAL OF THOSE RESPONSIBLE FOR PRISON MASSACRE ANNULLED
 

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The Internet Lost It Over This Blackface Impersonation In The Dominican Republic

The moment Geisha Montes de Oca put on butt pads and makeup to play Amara La Negra, things went left.

by Jazzi Johnson
September 27, 2016 • 3:03 PM ET

A beauty queen is in the center of a lot of heat in the Dominican Republic after a stunt went horribly wrong on an entertainment variety show. 2008's Miss World Dominican Republic Geisha Montes de Oca is learning the power of the internet the hard way.

On Aqui Se Habla Español, a big TV variety show in the DR, the actress Montes de Oca performed in a skit about the popular Dominican singer, Amara La Negra.

The problem came when she donned blackface, an afro wig, and butt-pads to add to her impersonation.

screen_shot_2016-09-27_at_1.14.45_pm.png


According to BlackGirlLongHair, Montes de Oca defended her actions on Instagram in a now-deleted post. In it, she said that Dominicans view race and color differently than Americans. But it seems a bit of a stretch. Particularly, as the publication points out, with immigration issues arising which has largely separated many by the tone of their skin, as well as the prevalence of skin lightening cream, one would easily argue her case.

Clearly, Ms. Beauty Queen Geisha didn't take any time to see some of the comments that were being left on the show's social media page— and her own. Here are a few, via BGLH:

comments1.jpg


comments2.jpg


Amara La Negra, the offended subject, also reposted the picture to her IG page absent of any commentary. But if her interview with Vibe tells us anything, it's that she's a proud Afro-Latina and may not have taken too nicely to the joke.

“One of the reasons I’m so rebellious and I wear my hair from my head attached to my body, is because for many years I was told this bulls–t lie that in order to be beautiful," Amara said. "I had to have straight hair because my hair was too ‘unmanageable.' Hello! I’m black. Yes, I’m going to have nappy and kinky hair. But that’s part of what makes me beautiful. And it took me years to know and realize that. I’m straightening and burning my hair for what? To please who?”

For reference, here's the image of Amara La Negra that Montes de Oca was imitating:



Here's what Montes de Oca looks like without blackface:



Finally, here is a closer look at Montes de Oca in blackface:

screen_shot_2016-09-27_at_1.14.29_pm.png


What are your thoughts on the situation?

[Photos: Instagram]

The Internet Lost It Over This Blackface Impersonation In The Dominican Republic
 
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Bawon Samedi

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The Internet Lost It Over This Blackface Impersonation In The Dominican Republic

The moment Geisha Montes de Oca put on butt pads and makeup to play Amara La Negra, things went left.

by Jazzi Johnson
September 27, 2016 • 3:03 PM ET

A beauty queen is in the center of a lot of heat in the Dominican Republic after a stunt went horribly wrong on an entertainment variety show. 2008's Miss World Dominican Republic Geisha Montes de Oca is learning the power of the internet the hard way.

On Aqui Se Habla Español, a big TV variety show in the DR, the actress Montes de Oca performed in a skit about the popular Dominican singer, Amara La Negra.

The problem came when she donned blackface, an afro wig, and butt-pads to add to her impersonation.

screen_shot_2016-09-27_at_1.14.45_pm.png


According to BlackGirlLongHair, Montes de Oca defended her actions on Instagram in a now-deleted post. In it, she said that Dominicans view race and color differently than Americans. But it seems a bit of a stretch. Particularly, as the publication points out, with immigration issues arising which has largely separated many by the tone of their skin, as well as the prevalence of skin lightening cream, one would easily argue her case.

Clearly, Ms. Beauty Queen Geisha didn't take any time to see some of the comments that were being left on the show's social media page— and her own. Here are a few, via BGLH:

comments1.jpg


comments2.jpg


Amara La Negra, the offended subject, also reposted the picture to her IG page absent of any commentary. But if her interview with Vibe tells us anything, it's that she's a proud Afro-Latina and may not have taken too nicely to the joke.

“One of the reasons I’m so rebellious and I wear my hair from my head attached to my body, is because for many years I was told this bulls–t lie that in order to be beautiful," Amara said. "I had to have straight hair because my hair was too ‘unmanageable.' Hello! I’m black. Yes, I’m going to have nappy and kinky hair. But that’s part of what makes me beautiful. And it took me years to know and realize that. I’m straightening and burning my hair for what? To please who?”


For reference, here's the image of Amara La Negra that Montes de Oca was imitating:



Here's what Montes de Oca looks like without blackface:



Finally, here is a closer look at Montes de Oca in blackface:

screen_shot_2016-09-27_at_1.14.29_pm.png


What are your thoughts on the situation?

[Photos: Instagram]

The Internet Lost It Over This Blackface Impersonation In The Dominican Republic



Guess we can now debunk the idea of Amara being a c00n.:clap::clap::clap::clap::clap:


My god the DR has such a cornball culture.
 

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RACE, COLONIALISM, AND THE NETHERLANDS’ GOLDEN COACH
By Timothy W. Ryback
SEPTEMBER 24, 2016

Ryback-The-Golden-Coach-Conflict-1200.jpg

Dutch traditionalists see the Golden Coach as a cherished tradition. Its critics see a relic of a colonialist past. PHOTOGRAPH BY PATRICK VAN KATWIJK / PICTURE-ALLIANCE / DPA / AP

Every year since 1903, on the third Tuesday of September, the Golden Coach—Gouden Koets—has carried the reigning monarchs of the House of Orange from a royal palace to the Dutch parliament for a “throne speech,” an annual assessment of the state of the kingdom. Thousands of jubilant subjects gather to watch the horse-drawn carriage clatter along the leafy streets of The Hague and to catch a glimpse of their beloved monarch. It is known as Prinsjesdag, the day of the little prince.

Last September, the Golden Coach, drawn by a team of eight horses and fitted with the full regalia of empire—crests, murals, gold-gilt curlicues—had a headlong collision with the twenty-first century. On September 5th, two weeks before the annual carriage ride, several dozen protesters gathered on Museum Square, in Amsterdam, to denounce the carriage itself. The Golden Coach, which dates to 1898, has on its left flank a triptych painted by the decorative artist Nicolaas van der Waay, called “Homage from the Colonies.” The two outer panels show half-naked black men shouldering massive bales and satchels. The central image is of a statuesque woman seated on a throne, with two black figures in supplication before her. One kneels in reverence, hands clasped and head bowed as if in prayer. The other prostrates himself, back bent, head lowered, with his right arm outstretched over clusters of bananas and other produce offered as homage to the allegorical queen. It is an appalling sight.

“When the king and queen ride around in such a coach, it glorifies this era,” Harry Westerink, one of the protest organizers, said in an interview at the time. Westerink is a founder of the Gray Coach—Grauwe Koets—movement, which for more than a year has sought to banish the Golden Coach to a museum. Westerink says that the supposed Dutch Golden Age, in the seventeenth century, was in fact a “gray era,” tainted by colonialism.

Westerink’s scorching rhetoric is part of an impassioned, sometimes violent confrontation between the country’s traditional historical memory and its current population. An estimated four million citizens—more than one in five Dutch people—now have ancestry outside the twelve provinces that constitute the Netherlands*, whether in the former Dutch colonies of Indonesia, Suriname, and a number of Caribbean nations, or in countries such as Turkey and Morocco, or in the Balkans, which have long been a source of guest workers. This demographic shift has been cause for growing social tensions, and occasional violence. The fiercely racist politician Pim Fortuyn was assassinated by Volkert van der Graaf, in 2002, a white Dutchman shooting another white Dutchman in defense of Dutch Muslims. The filmmaker Theo van Gogh, the great-grand-nephew of the painter Vincent van Gogh, was murdered, two years later, by a Dutch Moroccan who was offended by the filmmaker’s depiction of women in Muslim society. Geert Wilders, the leader of the right-wing Party for Freedom, has reaped the harvest of this extended season of hatemongering. Wilders, who compares the Koran to “Mein Kampf,” now commands the third-largest voting bloc in the country. The minorities in the Netherlands feel increasingly embattled, but also increasingly assertive. Many are second-generation, even third-generation citizens. They consider themselves Dutch, and they are insisting that their fellow-citizens do the same.

The first person to draw public attention to the Golden Coach’s triptych was Barryl Biekman, the Suriname-born chairman of the National Platform for the History of Dutch Slavery, which seeks to address the country’s unresolved colonial legacies. Biekman had previously helped drive a public campaign against Zwarte Piet, or Black Peter, a black caricature who in Dutch tradition is an assistant to St. Nicholas. During the Christmas season, Dutch revellers put on blackface, red lipstick, and Afro wigs as part of the holiday cheer. Biekman expressed concern over the Golden Coach just before Prinsjesdag in 2011, writing an opinion piece with two members of parliament for the NRC Handelsblad, a leading Dutch daily. The authors said it was time for the Dutch to confront the “horrific history” of colonialism. They proposed that Queen Beatrix, then the monarch, might “give a push in this direction, by removing the panel, ‘Homage of the Colonies,’ from the Golden Coach and putting it where it belongs, in the Rijksmuseum.”

The article provoked outrage and dismay. The curator of the royal coach collection, Paul Rem, insisted that the Golden Coach was inviolable. “It is a work of art that happens to stand on wheels,” he said in an interview in De Telegraaf, in August, 2015.“It represents the Netherlands as it was during the time it was built.” Rem repeated this conviction to me last week. He spoke of a Gesamtkunstwerk, a total work of art. “The Golden Coach is part of the Dutch identity,” he said. “It is part of our history. Can you imagine the Statue of Liberty without her torch?” When the Biekman proposal was raised in a cabinet meeting, Prime Minister Mark Rutte dismissed it out of hand. “To rewrite history by wrecking the Golden Coach?” he said. “I am not for that.” Rutte found the very idea “bizarre.” “I think it is a beautiful coach,” he said.

The Golden Coach controversy has cleaved the kingdom. Traditionalists remind you that the ornately carved carriage was not the result of conquest or exploitation. It was a gift by the people of Amsterdam to Queen Wilhelmina on the occasion of her coronation, in 1898. The carriage, carved from teak by local craftsmen, was financed with individual donations of twenty-five cents per person, to permit rich and poor alike to share in the veneration of their monarch. Roelof Jan Minneboo, a co-founder of Nederland Wordt Beter, or the Netherlands Is Getting Better, a driving force in the anti-Zwarte Piet campaign, told me that Dutch society has yet to confront its colonial legacy openly and honestly. He speaks of the need for “decolonizing the Dutch mind.” Minneboo believes that the entire carriage belongs in a museum, ideally in an exhibition devoted to the history of Dutch colonialism that can provide commentary on van der Waay’s “Homage from the Colonies.” An anti-monarchist with whom I spoke agrees with Minneboo. “The carriage belongs in a museum,” he said, “along with the entire royal family, as Exhibit A and Exhibit B. In that order.”

Last year, on the Monday before Prinsjesdag, Selçuk Öztürk, a member of the Tweede Kamer, the lower house of Dutch parliament, who belongs to the Turkish minority in the Netherlands, appeared on national television to read an open letter to his king. He spoke of the “pain” caused by images on the Golden Coach. “The colonial past of one Dutchman is the slavery past of another Dutchman,” he said. Öztürk assured the king that he respected the annual carriage ride. He called it a “mooie traditie,” a nice tradition. Like Biekman, he urged the king to have the triptych removed from the royal carriage. “We are turning to you because you are the king of all the Dutch people,” Öztürk said. “We count on your wisdom, your historic conscience, and your human compassion.”

This is not the first time the Golden Coach has carried the House of Orange into controversy. The carriage was pelted with smoke bombs in 1966, when Queen Beatrix married a German prince, Claus von Amsberg, who had served in the Hitler Youth. A wedding-day photograph shows the glittering carriage emerging from a ten-story-high cloud of billowing white smoke. The Golden Coach was pelted yet again in 2002, this time with smoke bombs and a paint ball, when Crown Prince Willem-Alexander married Máxima Zorreguieta Cerruti, the daughter of a former Argentine cabinet minister implicated in his country’s “dirty war.”

This past Tuesday, King William-Alexander and Queen Maxima departed the Noordeinde Palace at exactly twelve-fifty for the ritual Prinsjesdag carriage ride. It was a pleasant, late-summer day with clear skies and a slight breeze. Thousands of monarchists, three and four ranks deep, lined the sidewalks and leaned out windows to watch the royal couple pass in the Glass Coach—Glazen Koets—a stately but modestly appointed carriage, built in 1826, with the royal crest—three lions, a crown, and the rather cryptic motto “Je maintiendrai,” or “I will maintain”—emblazoned on the side and flanked by two winged Putti.

For the first time in more than a quarter century, the Golden Coach sat idle on Prinsjesdag*. The royal stables, which are responsible for vehicles used by the House of Orange—cars, helicopters, boats, airplanes, and carriages—had recalled it for servicing. The wheels need reinforcing. The gold leaf is flaking. The leather straps are worn, as is the interior upholstery. Tiny cracks have appeared in “Homage from the Colonies.” The restoration is expected to keep the Golden Coach off the streets of The Hague, and away from public controversy, for the next three to four years.

On the elegant Lange Voorhout street, the Glass Coach clattered by the British and Angolan embassies. It passed the Hotel des Indes, constructed in the heyday of Dutch colonialism using riches plundered from Indonesia. Finally, the carriage turned right at the corner of the Maurits House, home to Vermeer’s painting “Girl with the Pearl Earring,” and the former residence of Johan Maurits, the governor of “Dutch Brazil,” who made a fortune selling indigenous Brazilians and Africans into slavery.

At ten past one, the Glass Coach arrived at the Ridderzaal, the Hall of Knights, where the parliament waited. Trumpets blasted. People waved and cheered. The royal couple descended from the carriage, and the king took his seat on the throne. Willem-Alexander praised the vibrant Dutch economy. He expressed carefully worded concern over the threat of terrorism and the political upheaval in Britain. “It would be unwise to underestimate the problems and international uncertainties facing the Netherlands,” he said. “But history teaches us that steady progress is possible by working together toward solutions, both in our own country and with our international partners.” He wished the parliament “wisdom” in its deliberations, as well as God’s blessing. He then departed. A popular newspaper, De Volkskrant, reported that everything was as it has always been—“only the coach was different.”

*A previous version of this post misidentified the Palace Noordeinde. It also misstated the size of the Dutch population with foreign heritage and the last time the Golden Carriage was not used in the Prinsjesdag ceremony.


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Race, Colonialism, and the Netherlands’ Golden Coach
 
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Dangerous Matthew!
Jamaica placed on hurricane watch as cyclone strengthens


Saturday, October 01, 2016




232062_59249_repro.jpg

Local Government Minister Desmond McKenzie addressing yesterday's news conference at the Office of Disaster Preparedness and Emergency Management in Kingston. beside him is Audley Gordon, chief technical officer at the National Solid Waste Management Authority. (Photo: Kenyon Hemans)

Jamaica’s emergency management agency started deploying supplies to shelters yesterday as Hurricane Matthew gained strength while churning across the warm waters of the central Caribbean, resulting in the Meteorological Service labelling the cyclone “extremely dangerous” and placing the island under a hurricane watch.

“This means that the following dangerous effects of a hurricane are expected to affect Jamaica by Monday:

• Dangerously high water or a combination of dangerously high water and exceptionally high waves, even though winds expected may be less than hurricane force;

• Average winds 64 knots (118 km/h) or higher,” the Met Service said in its 8:00 pm bulletin.

“At 7:00 pm the well-defined eye of Hurricane Matthew was located near latitude 13.5 degrees north, longitude 72.0 degrees west. This is about 665 kilometres (415 miles) south-east of Morant Point, Jamaica, or 130 kilometres (80 miles) north-northwest of Punta Gallinas, Colombia,” the Met Service added.

The agency said that Matthew was moving south of due west near 15 km/h (9 mph) and a westward motion at a slower forward speed was expected last night and today.

“A turn toward the west-northwest is forecast by Saturday night, followed by a turn toward the north-west on Sunday,” the agency said.

“Data from the Hurricane Hunter aircraft indicate that maximum sustained winds have again increased to near 240 km/h (150 mph), with higher gusts. Matthew is, therefore, a Category Four hurricane on the Saffir-Simpson Hurricane Wind Scale. Some fluctuations in intensity are possible this weekend, but Matthew is expected to remain a powerful hurricane through Sunday, the Met Service explained, adding that hurricane force winds extend outward up to 55 km (35 miles) from the centre and tropical storm force winds extend outward up to 315 km (195 miles) primarily to the north of the centre.

Yesterday, Local Government Minister Desmond McKenzie said that the Office of Disaster Preparedness and Emergency Management (ODPEM) had already been deploying the necessary items to shelters islandwide.

“These items include generators, tarpaulin, blankets, water containers, and other such items that are going to be required,” McKenzie told journalists at a press conference at ODPEM headquarters in Kingston.

McKenzie said that effective today, the national operation will be going 24 hours, while the Ministry of Local Government will be operating a centre that will work directly with parish councils to get information.

“There are some toll-free numbers that will be made available for the public,” McKenzie said.

At the same time, he said that concerns have been raised about the more than 2,000 homeless people islandwide and that measures are in place to get them off the streets and into shelters.

McKenzie urged citizens to comply with evacuation notices and said that transportation would be in place to take people to shelters.

“We are putting in place all the necessary arrangements so that we can respond to the needs. We know the critical areas in Jamaica, places like Rocky Point, Port Royal, New Haven, Taylor Lands, we know these critical areas across the country... All shelters, across the country will come into operation by tomorrow (today). All shelters will be provided with the necessary resources,” he added.

Yesterday, when the Jamaica Observer visited a number of supermarkets and hardware stores in the Corporate Area people were stocking up on emergency supplies.

“I am just doing my monthly shopping. I bought extra batteries, matches, more canned goods than normal and extra juices and water,” said attorney Harrington Dermot, who was seen paying for his groceries in Brooklyn Supermarket, Twin Gates Plaza.

Another shopper, Wilfred Hermitt, said: “I am always prepared from the perspective that I usually have the basic things, rain or shine. As a former Boys’ Brigade we have to prepare, we will not be caught flat-footed.”


Dangerous Matthew! - News
 
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Storm-struck St. Lucia's PM says islands need more to tackle warming

Sat Oct 1, 2016 | 8:03pm EDT

By Sarah Peter | CASTRIES, ST. LUCIA

Small island states need financial help to help cope with extreme weather linked to climate change, St. Lucian Prime Minister Allen Chastanet said, as his Caribbean country recovers from flooding and landslides triggered by Hurricane Matthew.

Matthew hit St Lucia with tropical storm strength winds on Wednesday, and has since intensified to become the most powerful hurricane to cross the Caribbean in nine years, threatening Jamaica, Haiti and Cuba with 150 mile-per-hour (240 kph) winds.

It is hard to say whether a particular storm has been affected by climate change, but some scientists say warmer seas will lead to more intense hurricanes. Rising seas linked to warming are also expected to hit tropical island nations hard.

In Paris last December, nearly 200 countries agreed on a binding global compact to slash greenhouse gases and keep global temperature increases to "well below" 2 degrees Celsius.

"We are paying a very heavy price down here, we are not net emitters, we do not have economies that are large enough to solve the problem ourselves and we are dependent on the world," Chastanet told Reuters in an interview on Friday.

"Unfortunately we do not necessarily live in the most benevolent society."

Chastanet said the Paris deal, which is closer to coming into effect after EU nations said they would fast-track ratification, was a "huge breakthrough" symbolically. However, he was not optimistic it would lead to financial help for countries most at risk.

"Countries are ratifying deals but they are not ratifying funds," he said, calling the global climate deal a "contract of conscience."

The prime minister said agriculture in St. Lucia, a volcanic island in the eastern Caribbean, had been badly hit by Matthew.

St. Lucia's National Emergency Management Organization said interruptions to water supply after the storm were a serious concern.

St Lucia belongs to a group of 43 nations vulnerable to climate change that want the industrialized world to coordinate on financing to address climate change.

"We need to put a framework so we can take care of ourselves," Chastanat said. "Hopefully at some point we would be able to get monies behind the global warming effect."



(Writing by Frank Jack Daniel; Editing by Chizu Nomiyama)

Storm-struck St. Lucia's PM says islands need more to tackle warming
 
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