Essential Afro-Latino/ Caribbean Current Events

Poitier

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Hillary Clinton’s Deep Ties to Haiti Show Signs of Strain
By YAMICHE ALCINDORMARCH 14, 2016
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Protesters demonstrated against Hillary Clinton in Port-au-Prince during her visit there as secretary of state in January 2011. Credit Allison Shelley/Getty

Carrying horns, handwritten signs and bottles of gasoline to light tires on fire, a group of men marched into one of the many protests in Port-au-Prince that have paralyzed parts of the Haitian capital this year.

They were angry with their president, who let Parliament collapse and failed to hold scheduled elections. They were angry with the United Nations for not ensuring a fair vote for his successor. And they were angry with the former American secretary of state who had helped put him in power.

“You see all these people here?” said one of the Haitian-flag-draped protesters, Jean Renold Cenatus, who said he was unemployed. “It’s because of what Mrs. Clinton did five years ago that we are facing this situation.”

In their post-2000 lives as global citizens, Hillary Clinton and former President Bill Clinton have been tied to no country more closely than Haiti. As a United Nations special envoy, Mr. Clinton helped raise hundreds of millions of dollars for the country after its devastating 2010 earthquake. Mrs. Clinton traveled there four times as secretary of state and shepherded billions of dollars in American aid.

They often speak fondly of Haiti, one of the first places they visited as newlyweds in 1975.

“We came here for the first time together, just after we were married, and fell in love with Haiti,” Mrs. Clinton said in 2012 while standing near her husband at the opening of a Haitian industrial park she helped to finance. “We have had a deep connection to and with Haiti ever since.”

But as she seeks the world’s most powerful job and Haiti plunges into another political abyss, a vocal segment of Haitians and Haitian-Americans is speaking of the Clintons with the same contempt they reserve for some of their past leaders.

In widely read blogs, in protests in Port-au-Prince and outside Mrs. Clinton’s campaign headquarters in Brooklyn, and on popular call-in radio shows in Florida, where primaries will be held on Tuesday, she and her husband have become prime targets of blame for the country’s woes.

Among the litany of complaints being laid at their feet: Fewer than half the jobs promised at the industrial park, built after 366 farmers were evicted from their lands, have materialized. Many millions of dollars earmarked for relief efforts have yet to be spent. Mrs. Clinton’s brother Tony Rodham has turned up in business ventures on the island, setting off speculation about insider deals.

“A vote for Hillary Clinton means further corruption, further death and destruction for our people,” said Dahoud Andre, a radio show host in New York who has helped organize protests against the Clintons. “It means more Haitians leaving Haiti and not being able to live in our country.”

And now, a president who Mrs. Clinton helped get elected has turned out to be another in a long line of troubling leaders.

Tony Jeanthenor, 55, a member of the Miami-based Haitian human rights group Veye-Yo as well as Lavalas Family, a Haitian political party, said he was voting for Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont because of the senator’s distaste for involvement in other countries’ affairs.

“Nothing good for Haiti can come out of Hillary because of her past behavior,” Mr. Jeanthenor said.

The dismay over Mrs. Clinton in South Florida’s Haitian community is not likely to affect her fortunes on Tuesday, as she holds a comfortable lead over Mr. Sanders in state polls. Whether it could damage her in a general election is unclear. An estimated 150,000 Haitian-American voters live in Florida, the state where 537 votes decided the 2000 election. But they have also overwhelmingly voted for Democrats, according to Fernand R. Amandi, a principal partner of Bendixen & Amandi International, a public opinion research firm in Miami that has polled Haitian-Americans extensively.

Dahoud Andre, a radio show host in New York who has helped organize protests against the Clintons. “A vote for Hillary Clinton means further corruption, further death and destruction for our people,” he said. Credit Victor J. Blue for The New York Times

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Jean Monestime, a Haitian-American who is the chairman of the Miami-Dade County Commission as well as a chairman of Caribbean Americans for Hillary, said he had spoken to the Clinton campaign about the criticisms. But many Haitian-Americans in South Florida still appreciate her efforts on the country’s behalf, he said, and intended to vote for her.

The others should not “keep whining and complaining,” he said, because if another candidate wins, one who is less interested in Haiti, “we are going to be marginalized by the change.”

Indeed, the Clintons have had extensive involvement in Haiti for years. Mr. Clinton won the praise of many Haitians by sending in 20,000 American troops to return Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the country’s former president, to power in 1994, three years after he was ousted in a military coup.

The Clintons had large roles in the earthquake recovery effort, Mrs. Clinton as secretary of state and Mr. Clinton as co-chairman of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission. Along with former President George H. W. Bush, he raised tens of millions of dollars through the Clinton Foundation to promote development, schools and farming in Haiti, while also helping draw hundreds of millions in private investments.

Officials at the Clinton Foundation said they were not surprised by some of the disappointment today, given that even before the earthquake, Haiti was one of the world’s poorest countries. Today, the average family gets by on $1.25 a day.

Jake Sullivan, Mrs. Clinton’s deputy chief of staff for policy at the State Department and now the senior policy adviser for her campaign, said the United States’ work under Mrs. Clinton’s leadership “certainly had a significant impact in support of Haiti’s recovery.”

“Our commitment of more than $4 billion since 2010 has helped provide shelter for more than 300,000 Haitians; health care for more than half the country in U.S.-supported facilities; train a new national police force; and raise the average incomes of tens of thousands of farmers,” Mr. Sullivan said in an email. “Secretary Clinton is extremely proud of the work she and her team have done since the earthquake.”

Mrs. Clinton, center, met in Port-au-Prince with with President René Préval, third from left, to discuss conditions in the country days after the devastating earthquake in January 2010. Credit Pool photo by Julie Jacobson

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But to many Haitians, the most significant moment of Mrs. Clinton’s tenure as secretary of state was in 2011, when she flew to Haiti to pressure President René Préval to admit Michel Martelly, a popular recording artist known as “Sweet Micky,” into a two-person runoff to be Mr. Préval’s successor. Mr. Martelly had come in third in initial voting, but the Organization of American States believed that the man who had come in second, Mr. Préval’s pick, had benefited from vote fraud.

The night of the runoff, which Mr. Martelly won, Mrs. Clinton’s chief of staff, Cheryl D. Mills, wrote a congratulatory note to top American diplomats in Haiti.

“You do great elections,” Ms. Mills wrote in a message released by the State Department among a batch of Mrs. Clinton’s emails. She wrote that she would buy dinner the next time she visited: “We can discuss how the counting is going! Just kidding. Kinda. :smile:

Ms. Mills’s email may have been intended as tongue-in-cheek, but it has fed a suspicion among Haitians, if lacking in proof, that the United States rigged the election to install a puppet president.

And as Mr. Martelly slowly concentrated power around him and gave important jobs to friends with criminal pasts, the woman who had helped put him in the runoff began to come under attack. (Mr. Martelly left office last month, as scheduled, but without a successor in place.)

After Mrs. Clinton declared her candidacy for president, calls began coming in to Mr. Andre’s radio show, like one in June in which a woman lamented that she and her late father had been supporters of Mr. and Mrs. Clinton and had donated money to help elect each to office. “When they did good things, we should applaud,” the woman said in Haitian Creole. “But when they do bad things, we should denounce them because it is not good. And Hillary Clinton is not good.”

The activities of Mr. Rodham, Mrs. Clinton’s brother, are frequently mentioned on the shows. Last year a book, “Clinton Cash” by Peter Schweizer, revealed that in 2013, Mr. Rodham was added to the advisory board of a company that owns a gold mine in Haiti. Both he and the company’s chief executive told The Washington Post they had been introduced at a meeting of the Clinton Global Initiative, an arm of the Clinton Foundation. Officials at the foundation said they did not play a part in Mr. Rodham’s joining the mining company.

The Rev. Philius Nicolas, an elder statesman of the Haitian community in New York, is supporting Mrs. Clinton in the election. Credit Victor J. Blue for The New York Times

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Mr. Rodham and several partners also unsuccessfully sought a $22 million deal to rebuild homes in the country while Mr. Clinton was leading the recovery commission.

While there is no evidence that Mr. Rodham got preferential treatment, his ventures were quickly inflated into rumors, heard often on the streets and airwaves, that the Clintons had been busy buying land in Haiti for profit.

Vocal activists like Ezili Dantò, a human rights lawyer who founded the Haitian Lawyers Leadership Network, say they cannot help believing that Mrs. Clinton gave her brother a hand.

“She is looked upon as a liberal and someone who respects human rights, workers’ rights and so forth,” Ms. Dantò said. “But we haven’t had that experience with her in Haiti.”

The Rev. Philius Nicolas, 85, of Brooklyn, an elder statesman of the Haitian community in New York, said he had heard all the complaints and understood the frustration.

But Mr. Nicolas, who proudly displays in his church office a photo of him and other Haitian-Americans standing with Mrs. Clinton during her 2000 Senate campaign, said he was going to vote for her again. He said he thought she would be the best leader for Haiti’s biggest benefactor, the United States.

“We can’t vote for a president because of Haiti only,” Mr. Nicolas said. “If things go bad in the United States, we are the first ones who are going to get hurt. First and foremost, we need something good for us and then for back home.”

Frances Robles contributed reporting.

Find out what you need to know about the 2016 presidential race today, and get politics news updates via Facebook, Twitter and the First Draft newsletter.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/15/us/politics/hillary-clinton-haiti.html?smid=tw-nytimes&smtyp=cur
 

Poitier

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OCTOBER 7, 2015
From Germany to Mexico: How America’s source of immigrants has changed over a century
BY JENS MANUEL KROGSTAD AND MICHAEL KEEGAN128 COMMENTS

Nearly 59 million immigrants have arrived in the United States since 1965, making the nation the top destination in the world for those moving from one country to another. Mexico, which shares a nearly 2,000-mile border with the U.S., is the source of the largest wave of immigration in history from a single country to the United States.

But today’s volume of immigrants is in some ways a return to America’s past. A century ago, the U.S. experienced another large wave of 18.2 million immigrants, hailing largely from Europe. Many Americans can trace their roots to that wave, from 1890 to 1919, when Germany dominated as the country sending the most immigrants to many of the U.S. states, although the United Kingdom, Canada and Italy were also strongly represented.

In 1910, Germany was the top country of birth among U.S. immigrants, accounting for 19% of all immigrants (or 2.5 million) in the United States. Germans made up the biggest immigrant group in 18 states and the District of Columbia, while Mexico accounted for the most immigrants in just three states (Arizona, New Mexico and Texas). After Germany, the largest share of immigrants in the U.S. came from Russia and the countries that would become the USSR (11%, or 1.5 million).
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Since 1965, when Congress passed legislation to open the nation’s borders, immigrantshave largely hailed from Latin America and Asia. In states that have attracted many immigrants, the current share of immigrants is below peaks reached more than a century ago. In 2012, there were four states (California, New York, New Jersey and Florida) in which about one-in-five or more people are foreign born. California peaked in 1860 at 40%, when China was the top country of birth among immigrants there. Meanwhile, New York and New Jersey peaked in 1910 at 30% (Russia and the USSR) and 26% (Italy), respectively.

Among U.S. immigrants as of 2013, five times as many are from Mexico as from China, where the second-highest number of U.S. immigrants were born (6% of all immigrants in the U.S., or 2.4 million). Mexico is the birthplace of 28% (or 11.6 million) of all immigrants in the U.S. Immigrants born in Mexico account for more than half of all of the foreign born in five states: New Mexico (72%), Arizona (58%), Texas (58%), Idaho (53%) and Oklahoma (51%).

Despite Mexico’s large numbers, immigrants come to the U.S. from all over the world. India is the top country of birth among immigrants in New Jersey, even though only about one-in-ten of the state’s immigrants are from India. Canada is the top country of birth for immigrants in Maine (24%), Montana (21%), New Hampshire (15%), Vermont (15%) and North Dakota (13%). Filipinos account for a large share of immigrants in Hawaii (47%) and Alaska (27%).

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Note: This post was originally published on May 27, 2014, and updated on Oct. 7, 2015, to include 2013 data.

Countries are defined by their modern-day boundaries, which may be different from their historical boundaries. For example, China includes Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. Russia and the former USSR countries are combined in this analysis, even though the Soviet Union was only in existence between 1922 and 1991. Birthplace is self-reported by respondents.

From Germany to Mexico: How America’s source of immigrants has changed over a century
 

Yehuda

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Puerto Rico Students Shut down University over Austerity Cuts

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Student during 2010 anti-austerity protests in Puerto Rico. | Photo: California Student Union Website /Oduarto Gamelyn

Published 17 March 2016

Thousands of college students from the University of Puerto Rico (UPR) approved a three-day, full-campus shutdown Tuesday to protest recent austerity measures, which they say endanger the higher education system.

The students held a general student assembly, after which they marched through the university and closed all entrances to the campus. The students also called for the resignation of top university officials and announced they would consider an indefinite strike if their demands are not met.

At about 6:00 am Wednesday, the eight gates of the UPR were closed a reported 1,968 students decided to demand the immediate payment of remittances to the UPR by the Department of Finance, and the elimination of the freezing of the so-called “formula 9.6%."

The formula 9.6% requires the state to assign the University of Puerto Rico 9.6% of its annual revenues. The basis of this law is that the state has the social obligation to invest in a public institution of higher learning, to create and maintain a state university, without which no modern society can prosper.

RELATED: Sanders Unveils New Puerto Rico Plan, Says No to Austerity

"We must ensure the public funding of the university and cuts cannot be accepted as a solution to the crisis," said Naphtali Sanchez, representative of education to the negotiating committee that was established Monday in the assembly.

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General Assembly 2010 to vote whether or not to strike | photo:California Student Union Website /Oduarto Gamelyn

to the detriment of essential public services. In July, the government faces a debt repayment of US$1.9 Billion.

At the main entrance of the campus, the student Victor Velez Perez outlined some of the consequences the austerity measures have had on the quality of educational services during the past nine years.

RELATED: Why We Need to Ditch Austerity and Take on the Global 1%

"The administration is not guaranteeing us our own, permanent teachers. We need to have teachers who stay with us to foster that sense of permanence. Having contract teachers, transitory teachers, it affects our training," said Velez Perez.

At the meeting, the students also rejected a study commissioned by the Board of Governors of the UPR to the Association of Governing Boards of Universities and Colleges, which recommends consolidating functions of regional campuses, including other reforms.

A number of teachers have announced support for the strike, such as Professor Rafael Bernabe, a gubernatorial candidate for the Party of the Working People (PPT).

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Puerto Rico debt crisis Education Austerity Caribbean US & Canada Politics Economy

Puerto Rico Students Shut down University over Austerity Cuts
 

newworldafro

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In the Silver Lining
Get a chance hop on Google Maps, and go to Streetview on the Pacific coast side of Colombia. Check out the cities of Tumaco, Buenaventura, and the Quibdo. Interesting to see Afro-Colombians in a majority black part of the country. :ehh: I see a lot of articles recently this thread on that area too.
 

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Get a chance hop on Google Maps, and go to Streetview on the Pacific coast side of Colombia. Check out the cities of Tumaco, Buenaventura, and the Quibdo. Interesting to see Afro-Colombians in a majority black part of the country. :ehh: I see a lot of articles recently this thread on that area too.
Pacific and Caribbean coast of Colombia is like the south of the US. Same with the north of Brazil
 

Poitier

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How the military dictatorship persecuted black militants in the 1970s; the objective was avoiding the US Civil Rights Movement from reaching Brazil

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In 1978, Afro-Brazilian militants took to the streets to call attention to social condition and life of the black population. Photo: Jesus Carlos

Note from BW of Brazil: Many people who have expressed interest in the Afro-Brazilian struggle for equality have naturally made comparisons to a similar struggle of African-Americans in the United States and wondered why Brazil’s black population hasn’t been able to secure the same advances as their American counterparts. There are many reasons and a number of good books and dissertations (both in English and Portuguese) that have delved into this issue over the years. Below, we present another piece on this topic that has been approached in previous articles on this blog (see here,here, here and here)

How the military dictatorship persecuted black militants

Unpublished document shows how the repression monitored members of the then embryonic black Brazilian movement

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Abdias do Nascimento, among other members of the movement, was spied on

By Marsilea Gombata

Afraid that the struggle for racial equality would grow in the light of international movements like the Black Panthers and would turn against the police, the dictatorshipbegan to follow the footsteps of militants and meetings of the embryonic black Brazilian movement.

A document from the 24th of October 1979 shows how the IV Exército (Fourth Army) in Recife, Pernambuco, described an outbreak of “problems”. “In 1978 appeared a new point of interest of the subversion in the country, particularly in the states of Rio de Janeiro and, more emphatically, in Bahia: the exploration of the theme of racism, seeking to demonstrate its existence and putting the black Brazilian as a motive of discrimination,” says the text of seven pages.

The never-before-released report reveals that the “method” used for obtaining the information was given by the “infiltration of organizations devoted to the study of black culture through lectures at meetings and symposias” such as the IV Semana de Debate sobre a Problemática do Negro Brasileiro (Fourth Debate on issue of the black Brazilian), in April 1978 in Bahia. The theme of the talks, according to the military, dealt with themes such as “the so-called racial democracy is nothing but a myth”, “racism in Brazil is worse than abroad, because it’s subtle and veiled”, “the existence of Afonso Arinos Law, racism, is proof that it exists”, “the Abolition of Slavery was imposed by the needs of the capitalist economy and not by a sincere concern for the situation of blacks.”

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Discrimination and violence against blacks were the principal theme of this rally in July 1978

The document had been solicited on June 11th, through the Lei de Acesso à Informação (Access to Information Act), to the Comando do Exército (Army Command), that eight days responded saying it didn’t have files on the monitoring of black activists. The General Comptroller of the Union (CGU) found, however, the report in the National Archives in Brasília two weeks ago. According to Deputy ombudsman of the CGU, Gilberto Waller, this is the first time that he found a confidential document drawn up exclusively to deal with the issue when what you saw until then were excerpts and citations of other texts. “We see that the state worried about the black movement to the point of having classified the information,” he explains. “In view of the CGU, in terms of access to information it’s a big win to get something of such relevant historical value.”

The report, whose footnote warns: “Any person who takes knowledge of a confidential subject is automatically responsible for the maintenance of their confidentiality. Art. 12 of decree 79.099, of January 6th, 1977,” cites national mobilization around the formation of the movement against racial discrimination. “The Movimento Negro (Black Movement) groups of Salvador are: Ialê, Malê, Zumbi, Ilialê, Cultural Afro-Brasileiro. These groups presented on July 8th, 1978, ‘a motion of solidarity with the members of the São Paulo movement against racial discrimination by the anti-racist public act of Viaduto do Chá.’”

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The objective was to avoid the arrival of the US Civil Rights Movement to Brazil

The objectove was to prevent the struggle for civil rights in the United States reaching the country. The act, according to sociologist Flavia Rios, author of thesis Elite Política Negra no Brasil: Relação entre movimento social, partidos políticos e estado (Black Political Elite: Relationship between social movements, political parties and the state) concerns the march that happened that day in Viaduto do Chá to the Municipal Theatre for the creation of the Movimento Unificado contra a Discriminação Racial (Unified Movement against racial discrimination), which would later become the Movimento Negro Unificado Contra a Discriminação Racial (Unified Black Movement Against Racial Discrimination). “It’s made up of activists from various regions of the country and has this national characteristic,” says the co-author of the biography of the black militant Lélia Gonzalez. “There was a concern of the dictatorship that ideas of the Black Panthers armed movement, for example, and the American fight for civil rights could come here. Therefore, the regime vigilantly followed political meetings and demonstrations.”

The report until recently considered non-existent still speaks about an “artificial anti-discrimination campaign in Brazil” and recalls that “because of political constraints”, the Movimento Negro of Salvador began to conduct parallel meetings and adopt cellular organizations, based on “centros de luta” (centers of struggle), composed of three members. The Bahian capital city (Salvador) would have had seven of these centers, whose function it was to “mobilize, organize and educate the black population in thefavelas (slums), in invasions (urban land), in wetlands, in housing, schools, neighborhoods and workplaces, aiming to form a consciousness of the values in the race.”

In addition to the Movimento Negro’s national meeting in Salvador, between the 9th and 10th of September, 1978, in Rio de Janeiro, the spies described the Terceira Assembleia Nacional do Movimento Negro Unificado (Third Assembly of the National Unified Black Movement) on November 4, 1978, in Salvador, with militants of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul and Espirito Santo. They cited the Congresso Internacional da Luta contra a Segregação Racial (International Congress of the Struggle Against Racial Segregation) between the 2nd and 3rd of December 1978 in São Paulo. And it reports on the Afro-Brazilian Cultural Center lecture series in the second half of 1978 in Salvador, attended by opponents such as the Bahia Congressman Marcelo Cordeiro and São Paulo’s Abdias do Nascimento, professor emeritus at the University of New York. In addition to the academic, monitored militants such as José Lino Alves de Almeida and Leib Carteado Crescêncio dos Santos, beside Bahian senator Rômulo Almeida and “Angolan agitators in the Movimento Negro, characterized as civil war refugees” are cited.

In relation to the contents of the Movimento Negro at the time, the repressors point out that the agenda was made up of items such as the need to challenge the regime, deepen engagement in the movement for amnesty, to project the image of the “myth of Brazilian racial democracy” outside of the country, choosing the November 20th for the Dia Nacional da Consciência Negra (National Day of Black Consciousness), improve working conditions of the black population, and seeking an end to their marginalization in society and to the majority proportion of blacks in prison.

It is estimated that 42 of the 434 dead and disappeared during the dictatorship were black.

Source: Carta Capital

How the military dictatorship persecuted black militants in the 1970s; the objective was avoiding the US Civil Rights Movement from reaching Brazil
 

Poitier

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ARTS & CULTURE
Cuba's combat rappers fight for the country's youth
A crew of underground rappers in Havana fight for a free Cuba by taking the young to task over their apathy.

Tomas Ayuso , Magnus Boding Hansen | 20 Mar 2016 12:35 GMT | Arts & Culture, Latin America, Cuba
  • Barbaro's went from gifted freestyler to polished performer with a smooth counterculture boom-bap rap swing.

    He rose to the top of the city's rap scene by spitting over J Dilla-inspired beats about his neighbourhood's social issues. Now Barbaro stands at the top as the clearest voice of popular dissidence through his eagerly shared and vastly consumed self-produced albums.

    His rapid-fire delivery of anti-establishment lyricism has drawn the attention of state censors. A few years ago he won best music video in a state-run competition, but after ignoring requests to self-censor his content, he's now regularly visited by imposing secret police who've blacklisted the 29-year-old rapper from performing in Cuba.

    Cuba's censorship

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    Noslem promotes Faraon and Barbaro's music, riding around Havana with a USB stick and transferring mp3s and roughly cut music videos to underground digital media dealers [Tomas Ayuso/Al Jazeera]
    Once Barbaro came back from a European tour in early 2015, where he linked up with local rappers to record a number of music videos , he was dealt another blow by the authorities. His US travel permit was suddenly cancelled, essentially barring him from his American debut in New York City.

    He considers the government's attempts at censorship as self-defeating. The lyrical content of his songs have always had a coarse political grain , but after the suppression of his freedom of expression, his music doesn't pull any punches when targeting the government.

    Once taboo and grounds for incarceration, he raps a few anti-government bars from his cramped, attic studio - equipped with improvised and contraband recording equipment - affectionately called "the cave":

    "I'm not bombs or anarchy / I'm against a system that's against me / ever since I chose to live with the truth / I forever consider myself a prisoner of freedom."

    'We give them the solution: Resist'

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    A barefoot boy pulls up to shoot a jumper on a dusty basketball court in Old Havana [Tomas Ayuso/Al Jazeera]
    Barbaro is not alone in his revolt. A few days later, we meet in Old Havana's Central Park, the epicentre of a growing tourism industry. Flanked by glistening five-star hotels and touts offering scenic excursions, he introduces us to up-and-coming rapper Dargel 'Dargelo' Sanchez, and the veteran baritone street poet Skiudy 'Faraon' Buenoduani, as well as the rest of his underground rap crew. The group of MCs, producers, hype men and artists are all associated with the Azotea record label .

    The group of crisply dressed, Jordan-wearing 20-somethings with effortless swagger see themselves as counter-revolutionaries, fighting the oppression and censorship of the authorities through razor sharp hip-hop.

    Once the Azotea crew is assembled, we leave the din of downtown and head towards the canyon-like streets of Chinatown. Unassuming at first glance, Barbaro enters a creaking pre-revolution tenement that is underground rap's nerve centre. The asphalt jungle - as it's dubbed by Faraon - is where Barbaro and the boys plot, spit and battle rap their hip-hop revolution.

    They share the jungle with Al Capone, a bootlegger who makes counterfeit rum for a living in the grimy, dimly lit kitchen, while the rappers freestyle and listen to the music they're working on. In the graffiti-marked room, they discuss how to spread their music - mostly through Cuba's infamous sneakernet (a hand-traded illegal USB drive filled with television shows, films, music and other digital content known as "the package"). They also vent their frustrations about the difficulty of producing music under the country's complex economic and political conditions.

    The most vocal member, as well as one of Barbaro's mentors, Faraon, considers himself and the crew to be dangerous men, not because of his nine-year stretch in prison for fighting the regime - "I got into a fight with the police, and I won," he brags - but because the group's message is compiled from the inequalities they see on the streets of Cuba's cities. "We take the calamities we see on the street, make them into rhymes and give them to the people. We don't only tell them what the problems are, [we tell them] the solution: Resist."

    Faraon, an alias he claims he got for reciting ancient wisdom through his poetry like a Pharaoh, hails from the eastern city of Guantanamo. His lyrics are more militant and his flow more concussive than Barbaro's. His booming delivery is inspired by traditional Afro-Cuban percussion, he explains, which, in one of his collaborations with Barbaro, he connects with the struggle of fallen martyrs and the oppressed people of Cuba.

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    The state-owned Cuban Rap Agency [CRA] is supposed to hook up aspiring rappers with record deals and radio play. But rappers have shunned the CRA, criticising it for not offering enough support and for imposing censorship [Tomas Ayuso/Al Jazeera]
    'My Cuba's a living hell'

    The restoration of relations between Cuba and the US has people speculating about what will come next for the island. But Faraon believes nothing will change for average Cubans.

    In his song Culo Roto, literally "busted ass," which he dedicates to the commander - meaning Fidel Castro - Faraon takes shots at the government with lines like: "The government's guilty / the problem isn't foreign / our problem comes from inside / my Cuba's a living hell."

    The song refers to "Cuba's dark side," growls Faraon after performing a capella in the asphalt jungle.

    The rest of the Azotea crew agrees with Faraon's criticisms; they malign the current wave of tourists' obsession with experiencing Havana "before the Americans destroy it". With the US travel ban being partly lifted in August, Faraon mocks the postcard poverty and Cuban kitsch cottage industry already being sold to foreigners, the one that includes pre-revolution American cars, untouched beaches and Che berets.

    To prove his point, he demands to take us on "a tour of the real Havana, the Havana I know". Through the raucous clang of the late-night guaguas, the city's ubiquitous and manic microbuses, Faraon strides towards the Curita Park, where homeless people and intoxicated vagrants shuffle around in the pitch black.

    "They're the ones we rap for: beggars and transvestites, the oppressed blacks, prisoners and anyone who's different. We rap about everything that you don't see on CNN," Faraon says.

    He points out the groups of underage sex workers. "Here you have what's really going on - no filter. The young girls are selling themselves out of necessity. Officially, there isn't prostitution in Cuba. But what do you think is going to happen when a doctor earns $24 a month, and quick sex gets you $30? I rap about the true state of things."

    He lights a cigar and continues: "As rappers, we're a threat to the state, simply because we tell the truth. No one gave us freedom of speech; we took it."

    429689eb377c4a62959044c54a689c15_18.jpg

    Faraon outside the Asphalt Jungle freestyles 'No respire que te muere!' [Don't breathe or you're dead] - a reference to his full-frontal assault-style of rapping [Tomas Ayuso/Al Jazeera]
    'Our parents failed, but at least they tried'

    For the Azotea crew, the fight isn't only against the "bearded men" (a reference to the Castros), or an unjust and unequal society. Most of Barbaro's discography centres on his generation's "loss of values". He stands aghast at the nullifying indifference of his peers: "Why are so few of us standing up, after all we've already been through?" he asks.

    He shows a promotional SMS for a popular club that circulates among Havana's youth with information on weekend events and specials. By luring people to enjoy "a night of elegance and glamour", Barbaro believes a culture of "elitism and classism" is spreading among young Cubans who don't even earn a proper living wage.

    Twenty-year-old traditional Son singer Celia Perez agrees with Barbaro. Born into a "family that's supported the revolution from the beginning", Celia is infuriated by the apathy of those around her.

    We visit Celia at her mentor's studio in Central Havana, where they both form part of a movement to protect Cuba's traditional art forms. "It's like they're blind. The inspiration to change our future is right in front of us. The huge billboards with revolutionary messages invoking 'courage' and 'unity' are everywhere. The regime gives us the recipe for its own demise without knowing it, but we can't even see it," she laments.

    Citing the power of art, Celia draws a parallel between her hero, Jose Marti, a Cuban poet who fought for independence from Spain, with the work being done by the island's rappers. "Our parents failed, but at least they tried. Outside of rappers, my generation doesn't have anyone even trying to change anything," she says.

    Both musicians see themselves as "different" because they focus on the difficulties facing the youth.

    "We are drawing our weapons against our own generation to snap them out of this apathy. And to affect change, you have to stay and fight," Barbaro reflects.

    3661c87e075646878b252a533ceedd35_18.jpg

    Guadalupe Guerrero, a Havanan filmmaker, frames the struggle Cubans face today within the country's rich history and culture. 'Cuba is an absurd country. An island of the surreal and the inexplicable. All you have to do is step outside and you'll be faced with situations you can't comprehend on a reasonable plane. In our Cubanhood - what binds us as Cuban - lies a roaring undercurrent of anti-logic,' he says [Tomas Ayuso/Al Jazeera]
    'We don't give up'

    Like most Cubans, Barbaro knows people who've fled to the US in the recent wave of migration, including several rappers. Even many of Cuba's most famous rappers, like the Aldeanos, who brought Barbaro into the rap game, have migrated abroad. The fear that the easing of US-Cuban relations will bring an end to the policies that give Cubans preferential access to asylum is driving the current wave. It is something Barbaro understands but refuses to do himself.

    The rapper insists that the fight for Cuba's youth "cannot be fought from Miami".

    It's in this context that the counter-revolutionary rappers of the Azotea crew, led by Barbaro, feel they are left with no choice but to resist however they can. "If we don't do anything, the youth won't even have a future because they'll all be gone," says Barbaro from his studio in Marianao.

    Even though he faces considerable opposition and even persecution, he is determined to stay and speak up for his people. "We don't give up. We're helping take people's fear of the government away and that's a start," he says.

    8f8594d8900c4a14ba55f4cf3ec0a7bf_18.jpg

    A prayer service reaches a crescendo at the First Baptist Church in Old Havana. The women ask God to save the 'lost youth' of Cuba [Tomas Ayuso/Al Jazeera]
    Follow Tomas Ayuso on Instagram: tomas_ayuso

    Follow Magnus Boding Hasem on twitter: @m_boding and on Instagramm_boding

    Source: Al Jazeera
    Cuba's combat rappers fight for the country's youth
 

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"They're the ones we rap for: beggars and transvestites, the oppressed blacks, prisoners and anyone who's different.

Rap for trannies, brehs.
 

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March 21, the International Day against Racial Discrimination: Black students open up about racism and the fight against prejudice

17.jpg


Note from BW of Brazil: On a day recognized internationally for the struggle against racism (and Brazil certainly needs such a day), we present yet another example of how the internet is helping to lead the charge in the way that Afro-Brazilians see themselves and helping others to understand what it really means to be black, identify one’s self as such and discover the empowerment that comes along with this new identity.

Black students open up about racism and the fight against prejudice

By Leonardo Santos

Today is the International Day against Racial Discrimination. The date is celebrated on March 21 and was created by the United Nations (UN) in reference to the Sharpeville Massacre, where more than 180 black people were injured due to police repression linked to apartheid.

In modern times, racism is not over. Be it on the streets, at home and on the internet, it is still there, present, and increasingly exposed. Cases of racism on the Internet involving artists and television personalities demonstrate that racial discrimination is far from over.

“Racism is present in everyday life, often directed at blacks in the form of a joke, but actually it’s not,” says journalism student Renata Araújo, who recently had an awkward position in social networks, when a person made racist and derogatory comments on a photo in which Renata showed off her curls.

25.jpg

Renata went through a racist situation that went viral on social networks

Translation

Bete Soares: Jesus! Curls? This is Capitão Caverna (Captain Caveman)! HAHAHAHAHA. You spoke beautifully, but for me it means absolutely nothing. My hair is also crespo (kinky/curly), thick strands. However being hard or crespo is one thing, now taste is like an a$$hole, everyone has one. It’s horrible this Captain Caveman. Better buying a Carnaval wig like Nega Maluca. HAHAHAHA. Now go there, print screen and put it on your page again. Silly! Remain a whore because of this lion’s mane. So cute with curls and shorter hair…But for those who like manes…Taste one doesn’t argue

“Today, the society works in a color hierarchy. First the white man, then the white woman, then the black man and finally the black woman. BEING BLACK in society is already a motive of prejudice and fragility. BEING A BLACK WOMAN, this does not change and only increases,” highlights Renata.

4-a-blogueira-joicy-eleiny.jpg

The blogger Joicy Eleiny (Photo: Renan Vieira)

And if the Internet can also be where there is a lot of racism, it may also be site of struggle and empowerment. The student and blogger Joicy Eleiny opened a blog to talk about her curls and, according to her, the space has become a response tool to discrimination. “This is where I unload all the grief and go on to free myself from this aggression. I end up earning companions. My readers strengthen me a lot and I try to do the same for them.”

FIGHTING TOGETHER

When asked about how to combat racism, Renata and Joicy were emphatic: together and with ever more visibility. “One way of trying to reduce racism, is giving voice to cases of prejudice, exposing that discrimination happens and a lot,” says Renata.

“We must deconstruct from that thing of “moreninha” we hear from people who think calling you negra (black) is offensive, up to cases of more aggressive situations. The struggle is huge and I would not be able to describe each of the things we can do, but I believe that everything would be better if instead of us needing to fight so much, the oppressors could evolve,” says Joicy.

34.jpg

Renata plays with her curls. (Photo: Personal Archive)

“Injúria racial (racial insult/slur) is a crime and racism is a crime. If a person does not like my color, they will have to accept that we live in a civilization and that under the law, we are all equal only with our racial differences,” concludes Renata.

Source: Portal Mídia Urbana

March 21, the International Day against Racial Discrimination: Black students open up about racism and the fight against prejudice
 

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Rio-based artist Juliana Luna was one of 150 Brazilians discovering her roots through genetic testing in the ‘Brasil: DNA África’ project

capa2.jpg


Note from BW of Brazil: In today’s feature we bring you an update on a project happening between Brazil and Africa in which a number of Brazilians of African descent are discovering their roots through DNA testing. We introduced the project back in September in a piece called “Documentary project ‘Brasil: DNA África’ helps 150 Afro-Brazilians trace their ancestral roots“. Although I will admit that I’m not one to wholly accept the results of these tests as flaws have been found over years, it’s still exciting to see the historical exchange between Africa and its descendants, a bond that was interrupted by a brutal system of human bondage that affected millions of people from across the African and American continents. In today’s report, we follow the journey of one Afro-Brazilian woman from Rio de Janeiro to Africa’s most populous nation in search of her roots.

21.jpg


‘Blacks can’t live mourning about slavery’

By João Fellet

Between the 16th and 19th centuries, Brazil received at least 4.8 million enslaved Africans, all forced to abandon their identity when boarding for the country.

The production company Cine Group invited 150 Brazilians to take a DNA test to identify the place of origin of their African ancestors. After the results, the production followed the travel of five participants to the regions of their ancestors.

The recordings will lead to the television series Brasil: DNA África, to be released in the coming months (the production company is still negotiating the rights for broadcasting). The BBC Brasil interviewed two participants about the experience.

juliana_luna.jpg

Rio-based artist and entrepreneurial Juliana Luna, 29, found out she is a descendant of the Yoruba people of Nigeria

Read below the story of the Rio-based artist and entrepreneurial Juliana Luna, 29, who found out she is a descendant of the Yoruba people of Nigeria:

“In Bolivia, where I spent part of my childhood, there is a funny superstition. When they see a black person, many have the custom of pinching him. They think this is lucky. I returned from school full of pinches, and one day my mother had to go talk to the director.

turbantes-de-juliana-fizeram-sucesso-mas-ela-recebeu-crc3adticas-por-ter-feito-um-em-fc3a1tima-bernardes1.jpg


Even so, I only started to question my origins in earnest much later, at 17, when I lived in Rio and shaved my head. It was very long, the result of a relaxation process.

It was a relief. My mother thought I was disturbed and wanted to take me to a psychologist. I said I needed to understand who I was.

I let my hair grow naturally and began to identify myself as negra (black). As a teenager, I saw myself as parda (mixed/brown) – because when I said I was negra, people responded: ‘Imagine that!’, as if this were something bad.(1)

32.jpg


When the Brasil: DNA África exam showed that I descended from the Yoruba of Nigeria, I didn’t believe it. It had been a while since I had been giving workshops on how to assemble turbans. And who taught me how to do them was a Yoruba family I met in Boston (USA).

I had gone to spend a holiday in a friend’s house and when I saw those wonderful women with turbans out and about, I thought, ‘I need this in my life.’

I was in a difficult situation, living in a toxic relationship. When I put on the turban it was filling me with strength, reinvigorating me in a way that I could not understand. It was my crown.

juliana-luna-poses-for-a-photo-in-rio-de-janeiro.jpg

“As a teenager, when I said I was black, people responded as if it were a bad thing”

In Nigeria, I interviewed the musician Femi Kuti, a man who uses his art as a form of activism. He said the African people had no time to cry, living to mourn for the people sacrificed by slavery. He compared it with the case of the Jews, who suffered the Holocaust but then had a period of healing and reconciliation.

In Germany, every time it changes the prime minister (chancellor), he/she has to ask for forgiveness for the massacre of the Jews. This didn’t happen in our case, everything was always thrown under the carpet.

I also interviewed Wole Soyinka, the first black person to win the Nobel Prize for Literature. He had a super strong voice – seemed like a god – and told me that the only thing that can make reconciliation happen is art, which alone can build a bridge between universes so broken. Because art creates reverberations and is a language that everyone can understand.

I was deeply impressed with the conversations and I thought that with my art with theturbans, I am creating micro-reverberations. Because I don’t teach just for black women, but also for white women.

When I was invited to the Fátima Bernardes program (Encontro), on Globo TV, I did a turban on her head. People were very troubled not only by the fact that she, a representative of the white Brazilian elite, had worn a turban, but because I, a black woman, had made the turban on her.

I saw it as a ‘hacking’, a way to construct a dialogue, so that we move forward to the next level.

We are often aggressive and we were in this you-me duality, but not always does the conflict help us grow. My way to hack the system was to make a turban on an elite woman on national television. No harm, only educating.

The trip to Nigeria awakened me to the importance of connecting with our ancestry. There I learned that in Yoruba philosophy, we all belong to a line, sewn and connected to everything that refers to the ancestors.

So when a child is born, it is not named on the first day. The elders get together and ask the spirits of the ancestors what it should be called. The name is the mission of that person’s life.

There I also heard that, regardless of skin color, we are all connected and there is a stream of collective consciousness. It’s not because I’m not Jewish that I will not feel empathy for what the Jews suffered in the Holocaust. When you put yourself in another’s place, you are no longer you and become the other.

That’s what’s lacking on the question of blacks. If each seek that connection, take responsibility and ask for forgiveness, we see that we are all in the same boat.”

Source: BBC

Note

  1. A very common experience among Brazilians who come to identify themselves asnegros/negras rather than the plethora of racially-ambiguous terms (such aspardo/parda) that are so common. It speaks to a significant rise in black identity that has taken place in Brazil over the past few decades.
https://blackwomenofbrazil.co/2016/...a-descendant-of-the-yoruba-people-of-nigeria/
 

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Rio-based artist Juliana Luna was one of 150 Brazilians discovering her roots through genetic testing in the ‘Brasil: DNA África’ project

capa2.jpg


Note from BW of Brazil: In today’s feature we bring you an update on a project happening between Brazil and Africa in which a number of Brazilians of African descent are discovering their roots through DNA testing. We introduced the project back in September in a piece called “Documentary project ‘Brasil: DNA África’ helps 150 Afro-Brazilians trace their ancestral roots“. Although I will admit that I’m not one to wholly accept the results of these tests as flaws have been found over years, it’s still exciting to see the historical exchange between Africa and its descendants, a bond that was interrupted by a brutal system of human bondage that affected millions of people from across the African and American continents. In today’s report, we follow the journey of one Afro-Brazilian woman from Rio de Janeiro to Africa’s most populous nation in search of her roots.

21.jpg


‘Blacks can’t live mourning about slavery’

By João Fellet

Between the 16th and 19th centuries, Brazil received at least 4.8 million enslaved Africans, all forced to abandon their identity when boarding for the country.

The production company Cine Group invited 150 Brazilians to take a DNA test to identify the place of origin of their African ancestors. After the results, the production followed the travel of five participants to the regions of their ancestors.

The recordings will lead to the television series Brasil: DNA África, to be released in the coming months (the production company is still negotiating the rights for broadcasting). The BBC Brasil interviewed two participants about the experience.

juliana_luna.jpg

Rio-based artist and entrepreneurial Juliana Luna, 29, found out she is a descendant of the Yoruba people of Nigeria

Read below the story of the Rio-based artist and entrepreneurial Juliana Luna, 29, who found out she is a descendant of the Yoruba people of Nigeria:

“In Bolivia, where I spent part of my childhood, there is a funny superstition. When they see a black person, many have the custom of pinching him. They think this is lucky. I returned from school full of pinches, and one day my mother had to go talk to the director.

turbantes-de-juliana-fizeram-sucesso-mas-ela-recebeu-crc3adticas-por-ter-feito-um-em-fc3a1tima-bernardes1.jpg


Even so, I only started to question my origins in earnest much later, at 17, when I lived in Rio and shaved my head. It was very long, the result of a relaxation process.

It was a relief. My mother thought I was disturbed and wanted to take me to a psychologist. I said I needed to understand who I was.

I let my hair grow naturally and began to identify myself as negra (black). As a teenager, I saw myself as parda (mixed/brown) – because when I said I was negra, people responded: ‘Imagine that!’, as if this were something bad.(1)

32.jpg


When the Brasil: DNA África exam showed that I descended from the Yoruba of Nigeria, I didn’t believe it. It had been a while since I had been giving workshops on how to assemble turbans. And who taught me how to do them was a Yoruba family I met in Boston (USA).

I had gone to spend a holiday in a friend’s house and when I saw those wonderful women with turbans out and about, I thought, ‘I need this in my life.’

I was in a difficult situation, living in a toxic relationship. When I put on the turban it was filling me with strength, reinvigorating me in a way that I could not understand. It was my crown.

juliana-luna-poses-for-a-photo-in-rio-de-janeiro.jpg

“As a teenager, when I said I was black, people responded as if it were a bad thing”

In Nigeria, I interviewed the musician Femi Kuti, a man who uses his art as a form of activism. He said the African people had no time to cry, living to mourn for the people sacrificed by slavery. He compared it with the case of the Jews, who suffered the Holocaust but then had a period of healing and reconciliation.

In Germany, every time it changes the prime minister (chancellor), he/she has to ask for forgiveness for the massacre of the Jews. This didn’t happen in our case, everything was always thrown under the carpet.

I also interviewed Wole Soyinka, the first black person to win the Nobel Prize for Literature. He had a super strong voice – seemed like a god – and told me that the only thing that can make reconciliation happen is art, which alone can build a bridge between universes so broken. Because art creates reverberations and is a language that everyone can understand.

I was deeply impressed with the conversations and I thought that with my art with theturbans, I am creating micro-reverberations. Because I don’t teach just for black women, but also for white women.

When I was invited to the Fátima Bernardes program (Encontro), on Globo TV, I did a turban on her head. People were very troubled not only by the fact that she, a representative of the white Brazilian elite, had worn a turban, but because I, a black woman, had made the turban on her.

I saw it as a ‘hacking’, a way to construct a dialogue, so that we move forward to the next level.

We are often aggressive and we were in this you-me duality, but not always does the conflict help us grow. My way to hack the system was to make a turban on an elite woman on national television. No harm, only educating.

The trip to Nigeria awakened me to the importance of connecting with our ancestry. There I learned that in Yoruba philosophy, we all belong to a line, sewn and connected to everything that refers to the ancestors.

So when a child is born, it is not named on the first day. The elders get together and ask the spirits of the ancestors what it should be called. The name is the mission of that person’s life.

There I also heard that, regardless of skin color, we are all connected and there is a stream of collective consciousness. It’s not because I’m not Jewish that I will not feel empathy for what the Jews suffered in the Holocaust. When you put yourself in another’s place, you are no longer you and become the other.

That’s what’s lacking on the question of blacks. If each seek that connection, take responsibility and ask for forgiveness, we see that we are all in the same boat.”

Source: BBC

Note

  1. A very common experience among Brazilians who come to identify themselves asnegros/negras rather than the plethora of racially-ambiguous terms (such aspardo/parda) that are so common. It speaks to a significant rise in black identity that has taken place in Brazil over the past few decades.
https://blackwomenofbrazil.co/2016/...a-descendant-of-the-yoruba-people-of-nigeria/

Afro-Brazilians search DNA for pre-slavery origins

July 30, 2015

More than a century after slavery officially ended in Brazil, DNA tests are giving Afro-Brazilians the intriguing chance to find out who they are beyond mere skin color.

"Above all, slaves lost their names and their identity. With these DNA tests, they can re-establish the connection," said Carlos Alberto Jr, head of "Brazil: DNA Africa," a series of five upcoming documentaries that aim to "restore the links broken by slavery."

Slavery was abolished in Brazil 127 years ago, but the vast operation to force Africans to work the Portuguese colonists' plantations and mines resulted in a black and mixed population that today accounts for just over half the 202 million total.

DNA testing has opened the door to following that identity trail back.

The tests are done in Washington by a company called African Ancestry. Anyone can buy one of their test kits and send this, with a saliva swab, for analysis.

With a database of more than 30,000 indigenous Africans, the company says it can trace original ethnic groups.

For the Brazilian documentaries, 150 people have been chosen—most of them black activists—from the five states where 4.5 million slaves were brought between the 16th and 19th centuries: Bahia, Maranhao, Minas Gerais, Pernambuco, and Rio de Janeiro.

Tests are being done on maternal DNA.

"In the 19th century, there were eight Africans to every Portuguese and the idea of this project is also to show how Brazil was as much colonized by Africans," Alberto said, pointing out that the white population was only boosted much later, in the 19th century, in a deliberate effort to change the country's racial mix.

'Incredible emotions'

Thanks to the project, actress Zeze Motta—who won fame as the slave Xica da Silva in a 1976 film of the same name—found out she is a descendant of the Yoruba tribe, located in modern southwest Nigeria and Benin.

"The film's historian and scriptwriter told me that judging by my features, my roots might be Gurunsi from Ivory Coast," Motta said. "For years I lived with this version and suddenly at 70, a scientific test has shown me I'm Yoruba from Nigeria. That has left me with an incredible mix of emotions."

She recounted how during a trip to Nigeria in the 1990s, she felt an inexplicable sadness that only now makes sense.

"All these years I was asking myself where this pain came from and now after the test, I understand," Motta said.

Another documentary participant, Zulu Araujo, who heads a cultural center in Bahia, learned he descends from the mostly Muslim Tikar people in Cameroon.

"That was a surprise. I thought that like many in Bahia I must be Yoruba. I've had to change the identity I carried in my head for 62 years," said Araujo, an expert in race relations.

"In Brazil, our origins were stripped from us in a sophisticated and brutal manner. They took away our ancestors' papers and changed our names. It was a perverse strategy to keep domination."

He visited Bankim, a Tikar village in Cameroon, as part of the documentary research.

"I was able to come face to face with my origins," he said. "The physical and cultural similarities were clear. I recognized myself in the fact that they were extremely musical."

To celebrate his new identity, he has had himself rebaptized Tikar in an Afro-Brazilian ceremony, he said.

Now, his hope is that the 52-minute documentaries will help restore Afro-Brazilians' sense of pride in knowing that they are not merely descendants of slaves.

"What interests me is in creating conditions to get over the process of racism," he said.

Surprise answers

For some, the DNA tests have meant confusion.

Journalist Luciana Barreto, 38, said she couldn't wait to find out the African roots she's always assumed she had. "But when I opened the envelope I learned I am 100 percent indigenous to South America. I am perplexed," she said.

"It was a shock. As a (black) activist, I know that indigenous peoples here were massacred and still are and I felt responsible because I'd only been fighting for one side of myself."

Now she's waiting to find her father's origins through DNA taken from her brother, who carries the father-to-son Y chromosome.

She said the unexpected results she received have strengthened her determination to "counter a country that denies its history and its racism. Few Brazilians can speak out as I can, to cry out that yes we are racists, that yes we exclude, and that we still segregate."

Another who was surprised to find out that his roots are not what he thought they were was Ivanir dos Santos, organizer of Rio's annual march against religious intolerance since 2007.

After thinking he must be of Yoruba origin, "the DNA told me I'm 100 percent European on my mother's side," he said.

"I'm impatiently waiting to know the DNA on my father's side," said dos Santos, 60.

The documentaries, which follow the visits to Africa by five Afro-Brazilians, including Araujo, will be shown in September.

For more information, see: BRASIL: DNA AFRICA - Cine Groupafrica/

http://phys.org/news/2015-07-afro-brazilians-dna-pre-slavery.html
 

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Google and Airbnb expand in Cuba with Obama's historic visit
Google is to expand Internet access in Cuba as relations thaw with the US. But one expert warns American companies like Airbnb could be part of a 'virtual land grab'.

Tech Industry
March 21, 20164:25 PM PDT


In the climate of thawing relations, US companies are scrambling to be a part of Cuba's tourism industry, already a major source of revenue for the island. Although it's technically illegal for them to travel to Cuba except in specific circumstances, 161,000 Americans were among the 3.5 million tourists from all over the world who visited Cuba last year.

cuba-photos-obama-plane.jpg
recent report by industry observers Tom Slee and Murray Cox found that developers renting out multiple apartments in places such as New York and London drive up prices and keep housing off the market for permanent residents.

Cox has previously stayed in Cuba in accommodation rented out by citizens, known as casa particulares. "As someone that has travelled in Cuba prior to Airbnb," he said Monday, "it's exciting to hear that the United States is further dismantling their economic and travel restrictions, and I hope that this will provide new opportunities for the Cuban economy and their people.

"However, as tourism demand increases and restrictions are lifted on Airbnb's ability to operate in Cuba, my concern about Airbnb's business model in other cities around the world also applies to Cuba," he said. Those concerns include "the commercialization of residential housing and its affect on communities."

HAVANA GREAT TIME
Cox worries that "Airbnb might be party to one of the first virtual 'land grabs' by an American company in Cuba, concentrating profits in the hands of the most wealthy and connected Cubans, offshoring commissions, and profoundly disrupting residential housing in Cuba (which for 50 years has been mostly social housing)."

The Internet is still relatively new and limited to Cubans. Internet access is limited and relatively expensive under state-owned telecoms monopoly Empresa de Telecomunicaciones de Cuba (ETECSA). According to 2013 statistics from the International Telecommunication Union, only 25.7 percent of Cuba's 11 million-strong population use the Internet and just 12.7 percent of households have a computer at home. Broadband access at home can cost around $40 a month.

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Google and Airbnb expand in Cuba with Obama's historic visit
 
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