Essential Afro-Latino/ Caribbean Current Events

Yehuda

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40 years later, Donald Rodney’s conviction overturned

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Donald Rodney (right) and Tacuma Ogunseye (center) (Photo: News Room)

By Editor | On Apr 13, 2021 | Last updated Apr 13, 2021

Forty years after he was convicted for being in possession of a walkie-talkie that exploded and killed his brother – Dr Walter Rodney, the famed Guyanese intellectual and political activist – Donald Rodney was freed of the charge.

The Court of Appeal on Tuesday set aside Donald Rodney’s conviction and sentence on the concession by the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Shalimar Ali-Hack, that his right to a fair trial had been breached given the number of years the case took to be heard.

The DPP had also stated that while there was evidence to show that Donald Rodney did have the walkie-talkie, there was not enough evidence to show that he knew that an explosive device was placed inside the walkie-talkie.

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Walter Rodney

Dr Rodney, at the time an agitator against the then Forbes Burnham government, was killed on June 13, 1980, when the walkie-talkie was handed to him as he sat in a car a short distance away from Georgetown Prison.

Donald Rodney was charged with possession of explosives shortly after and was convicted in 1982; he has been out on bail pending the appeal.

Chancellor of the Judiciary, Justice Yonette Cummings-Edwards, thanked the DPP for the concession and said it would have been great if it had come earlier.

The Court of Appeal will issue a written judgment after.

Donald Rodney is an attorney but because of the conviction he has not been able to practice in Guyana.

40 years later, Donald Rodney’s conviction overturned
 

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Bolivia Reduced Drug Trafficking By Expelling the DEA: Interview

February 10, 2021

The United States ‘War on Drugs’ in Latin America is synonymous with militarization and armed conflict which remains as fierce today as it has ever been. The U.S. government, for many decades, has invested vast sums in training Latin American security forces to fight the narcotraffickers who meet the demands of the North American consumer. However, the trade is as lucrative as ever and has only grown in size despite the billions spent in fighting it. Furthermore, rather than challenge the narcos, the U.S.-trained forces have instead focused largely on waging a brutal war on impoverished campesino farmers, drowning rural areas in permanent violence.

In Bolivia, DEA and U.S. military bases were established during the neoliberal with the aim of eradicating the coca leaf. Coca is one ingredient used in the production of cocaine, however, the plant has a huge legitimate market within the country and has been a central component of indigenous culture for over a millennia. In the effort to eradicate coca, Bolivian troops were placed at the service of U.S. commanders who led numerous massacres in the coca-growing regions of the Chapare and the Yungas. Coca grower union leaders, like Evo Morales, were jailed, persecuted, and in some cases even assassinated. Evo has recounted numerous times how he witnessed DEA officials taking part in the massacre of indigenous farmers in the town of Villa Tunari.

In 2005 Evo Morales was elected President and proceeded to expel all U.S. interference in Bolivia and rejected the U.S. model for the ‘War on Drugs’. The result? A reduction in the production of coca and cocaine. Meanwhile, countries that cooperate with the U.S., such as Colombia and Peru, have seen sharp increases in production during the same period.

Kawsachun News spoke to Jaime Mamani Espindola, Bolivia’s Vice Minister for Social Defense and Illicit Substances, about how Bolivia has managed such success after rejecting the U.S. model.

The interview was conducted by Oliver Vargas and Kathryn Ledebur

OV: Why has Bolivia rejected the U.S. ‘war on drugs’? What do you mean by the ‘nationalization of the struggle against narcotrafficking’?

JME: Across the world, and in Bolivia, the U.S. ‘war on drugs has failed. When there was the DEA and U.S. military presence in this country, there was a higher production of coca, and there were a larger number of criminal groups involved in narcotrafficking. Their approach was to target coca leaf producers through forced eradication, they were persecuted and tortured, while narcotraffickers never received that treatment. There were human rights violations on a massive scale. These policies were drawn up abroad and imposing them was a condition for receiving international aid and cooperation. In the period 1996-2005, 60 coca leaf farmers were murdered, 5 disappeared, 700 injured with bullet wounds, 523 arrested.

After 2009, our country began the nationalization of the struggle against narcotrafficking, which is a model that has won international praise because it’s based on consensus and inclusive decision making and on community control. What do we mean by community control? It’s when local unions are given the power to supervise and stop growth in coca production. Part of our success in this approach is the economic aspect, providing alternative forms of income and production for coca growers. In the past 12 years of this model, the government has invested $US 539 million in these communities. Another important aspect is purchasing our own military equipment to monitor coca production and for anti-drug operations, rather than depending on other countries, so we purchased 6 helicopters ‘Superpuma’ costing $US 221 million. This past year, the Anez government abandoned this model and Bolivia became a transit country for drugs from Peru. Last week I was in Beni to announce the recent seizure of drugs coming from Peru that were passing through Bolivia en route to Brazil, before that we seized a similar amount that was passing through La Paz, with the same origin and destination.

We have fought to defeat narcotrafficking and to defeat the big fish of the trade, but Bolivia is not a country that consumes narcotics. Countries, like the U.S., with high rates of consumption, have to make more of an effort to reduce that. With our model, we’ve managed to reduce the production of coca thanks to our ‘law on coca’ that allows a small level production, 22 thousand hectares across the whole country, for the legitimate market. Our success has been because this strategy is our own, not foreign. Since the return of democracy in Bolivia under the leadership of President Luis Arce, we’ve returned to this model. We’re committed to the fight against drugs and narcotraffickers, who have done so much to damage our country and its image.

OV: The link between coca growers and the state was broken after the coup in November 2019. If the coup had lasted several years, do you think all the progress against narcotrafficking could’ve come undone?

JME: It’s important for the world to know what happens when Bolivia drops the model we built since 2009 in Evo Morales’ government. There have been awful results for the 11 months of the coup. They used the Ministry I’m in now to persecute and attack coca leaf growers rather than real narcotrafficking. They paralyzed international cooperation on this issue, they paralyzed the purchase of radars necessary for anti-drug operations.

KL: The 6 Federations and Evo Morales have long been keen to promote the success of Bolivia’s fight against drugs. Can this model be exported to other countries that produce coca? and what are plans for international cooperation?

JME: We work with the UN’s drug agency for monitoring coca production. They help by taking satellite images and we do the work of going out those areas and verifying if there is illegal production. We always promote our model of community control in international forums. We explain that if coca growers are brought on board and guaranteed their right to a small unit of production, then it’s easier to reduce overall production. Countries that have adopted the U.S. model have failed to achieve the reductions that we have. Our achievements are thanks to the cooperation of the coca growers unions in the Trópico of Cochabamba and Yungas, we’ve built a model that’s praised around the world. Nevertheless, we still need to strengthen international cooperation on this issue, we should create an international organization to train people and share experiences.

OV: Another success of the Bolivian model seems to be the low levels of violent crime in the country. Of course, there does exist delinquency and petty crime, but we are nowhere near the homicide rates of countries like Colombia or Mexico which have historically adopted the U.S. model.

JME: Thanks to the nationalization of the fight against narcotrafficking, we no longer have groups of international organized crime within the country. We’ve done this by drawing up a policy within the country and working alongside those it affects and who have knowledge of the territory. This would not work if foreign forces came in to fight the war on drugs, because their war on drugs is not about drugs, it’s about entering and taking control of our natural resources. That is why their war on drugs was focused on persecuting union leaders in our country. There was a higher level of drug trafficking here in the 70s and 80s and onwards, and that’s when they, for example, assassinated the historic coca growers union leader Casimiro Huanca. We need instead, cooperation across Latin America, to ensure that international crime groups do not enter our country, the damage they would do is huge.

Bolivia Reduced Drug Trafficking By Expelling the DEA: Interview

Castillo Would Expel World’s Main Drug Cartel: The DEA

April 21, 2021

Pedro Castillo would expel the U.S. military and the DEA if elected President of Peru.

During a Monday evening interview, incoming Congressman Guillermo Bermejo, of Pedro Castillo’s Peru Libre party, told Canal N host Mavila Huertas that the Washington-designed anti-drug policy in Peru has been a total failure.

Guillermo Bermejo, a socialist who was elected to Congress in the April 11th elections and who has been an outspoken proponent of expelling USAID from Peru, detailed a situation in which the country is characterized by weak institutions, and a Congress, armed forces, police and political class which are despised by the population.

Bermejo said that while the country pumps out cocaine to the world, the major media networks have worked with the country’s political class to ignore the issue:

“Peru is the second producer of cocaine in the world, Mavila. That issue is never seen on television channels, no one talks about it, and the question is why? In Peru are there not drug cartels?”

“In Peru, production has gone from 250 tons of cocaine to 750 tons of cocaine in less than six years, and we only seize, on average, 3% annually. Tell me, do we not have cartels? Who is permitting those small planes to pass?”

“Have the media at any point looked over the results of the fight against drug trafficking in this country? Why is this not a campaign issue if we are the second producer of cocaine in the world, if here they haven’t captured not one small plane, not one in more than 20 years.”

When asked by host Mavila Huertas what a Castillo government would do “to improve the efficiency of the armed forces and the police,” Bermejo replied saying U.S. cooperation is the underlying problem.

“First, remove foreign intervention from Peru. The Congress, all of them, since the dictatorship until now, allow the entry of hundreds of U.S. soldiers and U.S. military advisers annually who walk through all the barracks of the country. Showing them techniques, in theory, of repression against the population. And that’s [agreed to by] the President and it’s been all of the Presidents, without exception (..) all of them have asked that people who represent the most bloodthirsty and cruel army in the history of humanity [come to Peru], after they massacre more than seven million people in the Middle East. We attend them, we let them enter our home and we put them in our barracks.”

“Would you expel the DEA?” asked Huertas.

“Of course. The DEA is the main drug cartel in the world and any serious analyst on drug trafficking will tell you” responded Bermejo.

He continued, “The high command of police and army have been discredited here. I only ask that the issue of drug trafficking [not be ignored]. I challenge television networks to begin to dig into that matter because if they aren’t seizing one single aircraft in Peru, and there aren’t cartels like in Colombia and Mexico, then who is moving drugs in this country? Who has the ability to allow the entry of planes, load them, pay the money, and take the coca..”

Peru Libre’s candidate for President, Pedro Castillo, has run on a platform which promises to leave the Lima Cartel, expel USAID and close U.S. military bases within the first 100 days of government. Other proposals include nationalizations, a constituent assembly and the procurement of Cuban and Russian vaccines.

Castillo Would Expel World’s Main Drug Cartel: The DEA
 

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Venezuela Mourns Longtime Chavista Leader Aristóbulo Istúriz

“The professor,” as he was known, held several high-ranking posts in the last 20 years and was a key figure in the Bolivarian Revolution.

By Andreína Chávez Alava
Apr 29th 2021 at 5.07pm


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The Venezuelan government paid tribute to Aristóbulo Istúriz and awarded him posthumously with the Order of Libertadores and Libertadoras. (Twitter/@RosangelaOrozco)

Guayaquil, Ecuador, April 29, 2021 (venezuelanalysis.com) – Venezuela's Education Minister Aristóbulo Istúriz passed away on Tuesday following complications from open-heart surgery. He was 74 years-old.

Istúriz, a teacher and politician, was a key figure in the Bolivarian Revolution having held a number of key posts in the last 20 years.

Born in the Afro-descendant town of Curiepe in 1946, he started his political work in the 1980s as a popular leader and grassroots activist in the struggles against the US-backed neoliberal governments. Backed by the leftist La Causa R, Istúriz won the Libertador mayorship in Caracas in 1992. Five years later, he helped found the Homeland for All (PPT) party, one of the movements that supported Hugo Chávez’s 1998 presidential run.

Istúriz was the vice president of the 1999 National Constitutional Assembly that drafted the current progressive constitution, and three years later he assumed a leading role in the restoration of democracy after the 48-hour coup d’etat that briefly ousted President Hugo Chávez.

Most notoriously, Aristóbulo Istúriz earned the title “the professor” due to his life's work in the education sector. Between 2001 and 2007, he served as education minister under Hugo Chávez and was in charge of Mission Robinson, the literacy and primary education program launched in 2003 with Cuban cooperation. In its first two years, Mission Robinson taught almost 1.5 million Venezuelans basic literacy skills, with the country being declared an “Illiteracy Free Territory” by UNESCO in 2005.

Over the next 15 years, Istúriz would go on to lead a number of ministries in the Chávez and Nicolás Maduro governments, as well as holding high-ranking posts in the United Socialist Party (PSUV). After serving as governor of Anzoátegui State from 2012 to 2016, he went back to the executive as vice president and minister of communes in 2016 and 2017, before returning to the education ministry in 2019.

The following year he created the television and radio program “a school in every family” to help Venezuelan students continue with classes during the Covid-19 pandemic. Istúriz also faced harsh criticism due to the low salaries in the education sector under the country’s economic crisis.

"The death of Professor Aristóbulo Istúriz is a great blow to the people of Venezuela. The humblest in all the country's schools mourn today," President Nicolás Maduro said during the funeral on Wednesday, hailing Istúriz as “a guide for revolutionary people." The ceremony in the National Assembly Elliptical Hall was attended by ministers, military authorities and grassroots movements, who paid tribute to his life’s work.

Maduro awarded the longtime Chavista with the first-class Order of Libertadores and Libertadoras and a replica of Simón Bolívar’s sword, the highest distinctions given in Venezuela. Istúriz's wife and daughter received the condecorations.

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Venezuela's afro-descendant community presented an homage to Istúriz with drums and traditional dance during the ceremony. (Twitter/@nawseas).

The International Afro-descendent and African Cumbe expressed their sorrow for the loss that Istúriz's death represents for the Afro-Venezuelan movement. "Professor Aristóbulo your fight will transcend with the cimarrones of all times," they said in a tweet.

The Venezuelan leader’s role in the Bolivarian Process likewise drew tributes from around the world. Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel lamented his death and praised Istúriz’s “solidarity and revolutionary attitude."

For his part, Bolivian President Luis Arce lamented "the loss of a great social fighter," while former president Evo Morales described Istúriz as Bolivia's "soul brother and comrade in struggle."

The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA-TCP) secretary Sacha Llorenti stressed that Istúriz’s "revolutionary struggle planted many seeds and will not stop bearing fruit." The Russian embassy in Venezuela likewise paid homage to Istúriz for his life service to his country.

Edited by Ricardo Vaz from Mérida.

Venezuela Mourns Longtime Chavista Leader Aristóbulo Istúriz
 

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A tribute to Comrade Professor Aristóbulo, a hero of African unity and Minister of Education of Venezuela

April 28, 2021

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Africa is in mourning, Comrade Aristobulo is no longer with us. Pain speaks in our hearts, it is with emotion and bitterness that we hear this news which strikes our ears like lightning. The man who represented unity between Africans and Afro-descendant leaves the world of the living. The charismatic symbol of our international Cumbe. What does Comrade Aristóbulo really represent? First, this man belongs to the meteor race whose trace will continue to illuminate the sky long after his passage on earth. There remains a ray of light that linked Africans and Afro-descendants. He represented for us Africans the milk of human tenderness. He remains and will remain as our hope and the symbol of unity between African families separated by the ocean. He is the black symbol of free Venezuela.

The man who embodied the unification of Africans and Afro-descendants. The man who believed in the mission of ensuring that Africa and Venezuela always carry the same flag against a common enemy. In the darkness of xenophobia, tribalism, apartheid and neocolonialism, Comrade Aristóbulo will be for us a light which will guide the world to live in fraternity and always in solidarity. No religion or ideology will be able to erase the traces of this charismatic giant's fight; it will be in our hearts like a torch to light our steps towards the world of human values.

In him I saw an ideal personification of the struggle of oppressed peoples, a man of courage, of legendary courage. Africans and Afro-descendants alike saw him as a symbol of the wisdom, integrity and pride of African culture. A true hero of dignity and freedom. He is our symbol of our utter rejection of Yankee diktat. It is no coincidence that Professor Aristóbulo was born in the land of Simón Bolívar, Commander Hugo Chávez and President Nicolás Maduro. For us Africans, Professor Aristóbulo is not dead and will never die as long as the world exists. He is our banner. His departure is painfully felt by us in the International Cumbe; the work he loved will always remain a bridge that will always link Afro-descendants and Africans. Comrade Professor Aristóbulo told Lumumba, Nkrumah, Nasser, Sékou Touré, Thomas Sankara, Neto, Mandela, Nyerere, Samora Machel, Marien Ngouabi, Laurent-Désiré Kabila, Pierre Mulele, Kimpa Vita, Gaddafi and all the African heroes and martyrs that international imperialism is entering Africa by force and cunning for the second phase of slavery on our own soil, but we will not cede the land of our ancestors to North American and Western imperialism.

The second Vietnam is near. All honor to you, Comrade Aristóbulo, you were great.

Boswa Isekombe Sylvère, Secretary-General of the Congolese Communist Party (PCCO). The lion with the red heart.

A tribute to Comrade Professor Aristóbulo, a hero of African unity and Minister of Education of Venezuela
 

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Colombia Update: Duque to Negotiate New Tax Bill

E0ZhSKKXoAMYeNY

Citizens protest against Colombia's former tax reform, May 1, 2021. | Photo: Twitter/ @DiablaSandi

Published 2 May 2021

Political defeat weakens even more an already weakened President. Death toll from Duque's repression reaches 15.


Massive protests forced Colombia's President Ivan Duque to back down on his tax-reform bill, considered regressionist by critics. Meanwhile latest reports on police repression of demonstrations account for 15 people killed and 208 wounded, 18 of them with ocular traumas. Over 500 arrests were also reported.

RELATED: Colombia's Duque Backs Down on Tax-Reform Bill After Massive Strike

“I am asking Congress to withdraw the law proposed by the finance ministry and urgently process a new law that is the fruit of consensus, in order to avoid financial uncertainty,” Duque said in a video.

Opponents of Duque celebrated the move as a popular victory.

“It is the youth, social organizations and mobilized citizens who have seen deaths and defeated the government,” leftist Senator Ivan Cepeda said on Twitter. “May the government not present the same reform with make-up. The citizens won’t accept tricks.”

The tax reform intended to raise over 6.5 billion dollars, to clean up the country's growing fiscal deficit, worsened by the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Trade unions called for a national strike to fight the bill for imposing new taxes on low and middle-income workers.



There is consensus on the need for temporary taxes on businesses and dividends, an increase in income tax for the wealthiest and deepened state austerity measures, Duque said.



Colombia Update: Duque to Negotiate New Tax Bill
 

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Colombia Update: Duque to Negotiate New Tax Bill

E0ZhSKKXoAMYeNY

Citizens protest against Colombia's former tax reform, May 1, 2021. | Photo: Twitter/ @DiablaSandi

Published 2 May 2021

Political defeat weakens even more an already weakened President. Death toll from Duque's repression reaches 15.


Massive protests forced Colombia's President Ivan Duque to back down on his tax-reform bill, considered regressionist by critics. Meanwhile latest reports on police repression of demonstrations account for 15 people killed and 208 wounded, 18 of them with ocular traumas. Over 500 arrests were also reported.

RELATED: Colombia's Duque Backs Down on Tax-Reform Bill After Massive Strike

“I am asking Congress to withdraw the law proposed by the finance ministry and urgently process a new law that is the fruit of consensus, in order to avoid financial uncertainty,” Duque said in a video.

Opponents of Duque celebrated the move as a popular victory.

“It is the youth, social organizations and mobilized citizens who have seen deaths and defeated the government,” leftist Senator Ivan Cepeda said on Twitter. “May the government not present the same reform with make-up. The citizens won’t accept tricks.”

The tax reform intended to raise over 6.5 billion dollars, to clean up the country's growing fiscal deficit, worsened by the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Trade unions called for a national strike to fight the bill for imposing new taxes on low and middle-income workers.



There is consensus on the need for temporary taxes on businesses and dividends, an increase in income tax for the wealthiest and deepened state austerity measures, Duque said.



Colombia Update: Duque to Negotiate New Tax Bill


Some pictures of the protests against Duque's tax reform bill:



















 

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In Colombia, Free Trade Has Come With More Violence

Nearly a decade after signing a deal with the United States, the future in cities like Buenaventura looks worse and worse.


By Genevieve Glatsky, a journalist in Bogotá.

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Colombian Marine Infantry soldiers patrol the streets of Buenaventura, Colombia, on Feb. 10. LUIS ROBAYO/AFP/GETTY IMAGES

APRIL 23, 2021, 12:53 PM

BUENAVENTURA, Colombia—Jhon Jairo Castro Balanta was about 20 years old when he first started organizing port workers in the Colombian coastal city of Buenaventura. After the port was privatized in 1993, he noticed how wages stagnated. He saw “exploitation, outsourcing, discrimination, humiliation, all those abuses.”

Castro Balanta became president of the Buenaventura Port Workers Union, and in 2011, he traveled to Washington during negotiations over the U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement to testify to Congress about poor labor conditions. Around then, the death threats started, he recalled, speaking to Foreign Policy over the phone from New York City, where he is now seeking asylum after fleeing Buenaventura in November 2020.

Buenaventura, a city of roughly 460,000 people with rampant unemployment and gang violence, sits on the Pacific coast of Colombia. Over the years, more and more Colombians displaced from conflict in the country’s interior have ended up there, many of them living in abject poverty. The city’s main source of employment is the port, which handles more than half of Colombia’s imports and exports.

But resentment simmers among Buenaventura residents over the fact that little money flowing through the port enriches the city, where armed groups run rampant, controlling every aspect of the economy and hiking up prices for even basic food items. Castro Balanta and other Bonaverenses say locals are only hired for menial labor, don’t receive a living wage or social security benefits, and face death threats if they try to unionize. Employees often work 24 to 36 hours at a time, sometimes even staying 23 days without returning home until a ship is loaded, Castro Balanta said.

These labor abuses are what held up the U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement for years before it was eventually signed in 2012. Legislators had fiercely debated signing such an agreement with a country where unionists are regularly murdered with impunity. Some expected it might actually be the first deal of its kind to get voted down in U.S. Congress. To move forward, then-President Barack Obama and then-Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos signed an Action Plan Related to Labor Rights, which included a commitment to address violence against labor union members and bring perpetrators of such violence to justice.

At the time the accord was struck—around the time formal negotiations to end the war with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) were beginning—the U.S.-Colombia Business Partnership said the agreement would “strengthen democratic institutions in Colombia that are under threat by violent actors in Colombian society—guerrillas, self-defense forces, and narco-traffickers” and bring “more legitimate jobs and opportunity.”

But as the countries mark nearly a decade of the plan, few of those promises have come to fruition. Gang violence, unemployment, and narcotrafficking have only increased. In fact, Buenaventura has gained notoriety in recent years for its “chop houses,” where tortured victims of gangs and armed groups later end up dismembered. Colombia was ranked the deadliest country in the world for human rights defenders in 2020, and 172 trade unionists have been murdered since the labor rights action plan went into force. Indeed, residents contend that increased trade has actually worsened gang violence as armed groups compete for control of territory designated for the planned expansion of the port.

Obama and Santos may have had good intentions with the Labor Action Plan, but it had no enforcement mechanism. “A lot of the institutional changes and a lot of the policies that had to start happening, they happened like halfway or they weren’t really implemented, and once the agreement was passed in Congress in the U.S., the Santos government didn’t do anything to continue these kinds of commitments,” said Daniel Rangel, Global Trade Watch research director for the consumer advocacy group Public Citizen. “Since the agreement wasn’t part of the main deal, then it was very hard for stakeholders to make the Colombian government accountable for this lack of enforcement of the obligations.”

Both Rangel and Castro Balanta surmise if U.S. Congress had waited longer, it might have been able to incentivize the Santos government to make more concrete changes by leveraging the trade agreement. “The trade agreement could have helped, but I think that in their eagerness or because of pressure from the big businessmen, the big multinationals, that both governments turned the page,” Castro said. “Colombia was lying that it was complying, and the U.S. government turned a deaf ear to the various statements of NGOs and unions and workers’ commissions that came and expressed that things were not getting better.”

Beyond the lack of an enforcement mechanism, residents, researchers, and activists say the Colombian government has felt free to neglect Buenaventura and similar regions because they are majority of Afro-descendant, a group that has historically faced worse social conditions, lack of public services, and discrimination compared to the country’s white-mestizo majority.

“The national government invests in Buenaventura through the port infrastructure,” said Danelly Estupiñán, an activist who works with a local nongovernmental organization called the Process of Black Communities. “It does not make investments to the Buenaventura society, to the people of Buenaventura.” The city’s population is about 95 percent Afro-descendant and Indigenous. “From our judgment,” the lack of investment is “precisely for that reason.”

Estupiñán travels under constant protection of two bodyguards and an armored car ever since a report she worked on five years ago exposed links between the city’s port and rising violence and poverty. “Because they don’t conceive of us as people, they conceive us as things, and that is a colonial legacy,” Estupiñán said. “In the colony, people of African descent, Indigenous people were not seen as people. They were not even human. They were seen as things that were marketed, things that were sold, things that were controlled.”

In 2017, anger in Buenaventura led hundreds of thousands of people to take to the streets in a massive Civic Strike. After a wave of violence in December 2020 and January of this year, hundreds of residents demonstrated, claiming lack of government attention even after it made concessions to fund the city’s lack of basic services in the wake of the 2017 strike. These February series of demonstrations blocked access to the port and called for government intervention.

The unrest and recent wave of violence is perhaps what led the U.S. Labor Department to announce a $5 million “cooperative agreement” in January to improve labor rights for Afro-Colombian port workers in Buenaventura and other ports. (Neither the U.S. nor the Colombian Labor Department responded to requests for comment.) But at a time when Colombia’s government is undoing old agreements and facing criticism for its antagonistic relationship with international human rights bodies, there is little reason to trust it will live up to its word.

The landmark 2016 peace accords with the FARC was supposed to reintegrate former paramilitary members and bring economic development to Indigenous and Afro-Colombian regions, which were affected disproportionately by the conflict with the militant group-turned-political party. But the current conservative government under President Iván Duque Márquez campaigned on dismantling those peace accords and has dragged its feet on implementing them.

Indigenous and Afro-Colombian groups, as well as the United Nations’ human rights body, have demanded action from the president to fully implement the peace accords and tackle lawlessness and poverty in remote and poor regions. If he doesn’t, violence will continue to rise and push people toward cities like Buenaventura, which are already on a knife’s edge.

Many displaced people have ended up in neighborhoods like Isla de la Paz, where roughly many families hail from different violence-ridden regions of the country. The port is set to expand to accommodate free trade agreements with 17 countries, including the United States, and it is neighborhoods like this that are under threat of being razed.

One mother of three from Isla de la Paz, said that residents are unable to expand to build houses for more neighbors because, in the middle of the night, men will come to knock down any houses under construction. She said utility companies don’t want to provide services like internet because they know the community is soon to be displaced and spending money there would be a “lost investment.”

“What’s happening in a lot of those areas has been, first, the real hesitance from part of the national government and departmental governments to really provide people in those areas with basic things like potable water, sewage systems, or what have you,” said Gimena Sánchez-Garzoli from the Washington Office on Latin America. “And really pressuring them to get out of those areas so that they can rebuild those areas for the port infrastructure.”

The mother of three, who fled violence and kidnappings from armed groups and fumigation of coca crops from the town of Buenos Aires in Cauca province when she was 12 years old, said armed men often came and threatened residents, including the children, putting them always on the defensive

“We’re slaves to our own surroundings,” she said.

With national demonstrations planned for April 28, Sánchez-Garzoli predicts they will restart protests in Buenaventura—and eventually trigger another repressive response. The current conservative administration has been reluctant to engage with the leaders of social movements, and she anticipates they might only pay lip service to the Labor Action Plan—if that.

“They just don’t see the importance of engaging or trying to find solutions for those sectors,” she said. “Their priority really is the private sector. I just think that’s all going to explode.”

In Colombia, Free Trade Has Come With More Violence
 

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Quibdó: the torments of a city held hostage by violence

The capital of Chocó is experiencing its worst days due to the overflowing growth of violence. In certain areas, trade is almost paralyzed and the death of young people is close to historic levels. The X-ray of a city besieged by violence.

May 1, 2021

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Photo: Saulo Guerrero/Radio Nacional de Colombia

In the first bill — it was actually a poorly written letter with few words — that Gabriel Velasco received, he was given a period of two hours to communicate with the leader of the criminal gang that controls the northern area of Quibdó, Chocó. He was officially informed that his small retail shop was part of the extortion payroll, which is hitting this city hard. Gabriel refused. Not only did he dismiss the warning, but he threw the paper at the feet of the person who gave it to him: a small, barefoot boy, barely 12 or 13 years old. The next day, three hit men entered his business, determined to kill him.

Gabriel escaped, but his 14-year-old son did not. The gunmen only found the minor, who wanted to take refuge between the black bars of the small establishment, however, it was not enough. Four bullets killed him: two in the chest, one in the left arm and one in the face.

The second message was delivered with blood; no one here challenges those who control the city, and for those who do challenge them, there are only two outcomes: death or exile. Gabriel suffered the death of his son and closed shop; there was no more reason to fight.

The northern area of Quibdó has 23 neighborhoods, mostly invasions of large migrations from other parts of Chocó when the armed conflict raged against the department between 1990 and 2004. The streets of several areas are still unpaved, there are no aqueducts and no sanitary sewer. Throughout the streets of each neighborhood, only known residents — or whoever has permission from the gang that controls the territory — can walk through. One cannot jump invisible barriers, nor invade, even with half a step, the terrain of others.

This became clear on Wednesday, April 21, when the Loco Yam gang detained, murdered and dismembered three waste picker children in the Los Claveles area, in the Buenos Aires neighborhood, also in the northern zone. The authorities' report says that the three minors — 17, 12 and 11 years old — were engaged in recycling and wanted to enter the neighborhood without permission.

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The youth of Quibdó held a protest to demand the authorities to protect the community, which is at the mercy of criminal gangs, who impose themselves with the fear of bullets. Photo: Saulo Guerrero/Radio Nacional de Colombia

They were approached by men known as Ganya, Andresito, Carlos Mario and Járlinson plus six members of the Loco Yam gang, taken to a creek, beaten, attacked with a firearm and then dismembered with machetes. A display of brutality that is just the tip of the iceberg of what happens in Chocó.

The municipal ombudsman, Domingo Ramos, says that what is happening is the product of the incubation of crime for several years. He assures that Quibdó is criminally dominated by the Urabeños, who have several smaller structures at their service, such as the Loco Yam gang; and those who call themselves Mexicanos, who have the patronage of the ELN.

These two macrostructures have divided the city in order to have control over micro-trafficking and, most importantly, have commercial establishments they can extort a monthly fee, sometimes demanding millions. No one is safe in Quibdó: not the neighborhood shopkeeper nor multinational companies such as Postobón, which closed shop after several extortion requests, shootings at the front and a robbery of merchandise at the main headquarters in the city center.

“They send a kid your way with a bill and if one does not comply, an intimidation process begins until the owner closes shop or gets killed”, says a member of the Quibdó Merchants Association.

The most recent case of attempted murder of a merchant occurred in the center of the city two days after the murder of the children in Buenos Aires. A hitman came to a store and tried to assassinate the owner, the bullets grazed the victim's neck and right cheek. He was miraculously saved, other shopkeepers say. Today that store is closed.

According to an estimate by the Quibdó Merchants Association, last year at least 100 stores were closed, being unable to withstand the pressure of extortions. “Here they ask for up to 100 million pesos, what merchant in the middle of a pandemic has that kind of money?”, they say.

In the case of neighborhood stores, many have chosen not to sell any kind of liquor, because that represents losses. In a superior display of power, gang leaders demand that shopkeepers provide them with aguardiente, rum or whiskey whenever they are celebrating. “Here they send a kid and tell us that such and such told us to send two or three bottles to the pary, and then what do you have to do? You send them to avoid any problems”, says the owner of a small business in the Kennedy neighborhood, in the city center.

Minors as a shield

The minor who delivered the extortion bill to Gabriel was captured two days later. Due to his age there was no prosecution, nor was he obliged to testify to locate the whereabouts of the murderers of Gabriel's son. The case has not advanced much so far.

This is precisely what those who recruit them are looking for: having soldiers who cannot be prosecuted. “They use these kids as bellmen, also so they can send the extortion bills to the commercial establishments and, on many occasions, they are the ones who shoot at these businesses in order to intimidate and make them pay. Children are their instruments and they call them their soldiers”, says ombundsman Ramos.

Children are active instruments in this new wave of violence in Quibdó. According to the monitoring group Transparencia por Chocó, in the last 18 months more than 157 young people have been murdered in the city.

Among this painful number are the three minors brutally attacked in Buenos Aires. Everything points to the fact that the Loco Yam gang, which controls Buenos Aires, Los Claveles and Las Palmeras, upon seeing them in the area, believed that they were emissaries of other structures that were stepping on their lands. They intimidated them, cut off their legs and hands and then shot them in the middle of a creek that runs through the area. The northern area is one of the most vulnerable in Quibdó, most of the people are internal refugees and work informal jobs. “If they have something for breakfast, they hardly have anything for lunch”, says ombundsman Ramos.

Quibdó has an unemployment rate of over 22%; no other city in Colombia presents such high unemployment figures. “There is a vicious cycle here: the violent ones have businesses in check, businesses close and that generates more unemployment, which generates more violence”, says a citizen observer who asked not to be named.

In the northern zone there are no football fields, nor spaces suited for the leisure of minors. It is a hostile territory, with unpaved streets and alleys that lead to creeks and jungle areas. The meeting point for those who want to share a moment of relaxation is the corner of the block, because in 23 neighborhoods there is not a single park.

Quibdó has a marked urban underdevelopment and a state neglect that has contributed to violence. The authorities have recorded eight criminal structures operating in Quibdó, which were strengthened in the first days of the 2020 quarantine. These groups began to display their authority by declaring zone curfews and the penalty for those who did not comply was death.

Citizens complied in the name of the pandemic. Even some members of the local administration welcomed the authority in the hands of individuals, however, as expected, the monster grew and is now difficult to control. President Iván Duque himself was informed of this situation. He traveled with a delegation in October of last year, walked some streets at night and promised to attack crime so that “tranquility returns to Chocoano homes”. He left the next day and violence continued its course without major setbacks.

The other pandemic

Yajaira Palacios was called two days after her Yamaha Bws II motorcycle was taken. The same thieves who intimidated her with firearms and stripped her of her vehicle demanded three million pesos to return what was stolen. “We don't want this, we just want you to pay to have it back”, they told her.

She did not concede to the extortion for a very simple reason: why get it back if they could steal it again at any moment? Theft for extortive purposes has become commonplace in Quibdó. Fearful citizens agree to pay to retrieve what was forcibly taken from them. Thieves do not sell what they steal, they renegotiate it with the same owner.

Gang leaders previously study the victim: they know where they live, who they have a relationship with and their economic status to answer for what they themselves take from them. It is a give-and-take situation: first they act as the perpetrators and then they present themselves as saviors and mediators so that citizens can recover their stolen objects. They create a problem so they can immediately appear with the solution.

Robbery in all its forms has gone through the roof and is a daily occurence in Quibdó: from simple stickups to large operations, such as the robbery of the Postobón headquarters. “Women cannot ride a ‘rappi’ (motorcycle taxi) with their bags on their side, because another motorcycle pulls up and snatch them away. Downtown business owners must attend with a knife between their teeth, because at any given moment a gang of boys might show up and vacate everything”.

The recoil of violence

Quibdó has over 126,000 inhabitants and is surrounded by jungle in the middle of the imposing Atrato River. For years the city was a fortress of the FARC to break the law and transport drugs up to the Urabá region and the Chocoano Pacific. Soon came the paramilitaries and one of the most intense battlefields took place in Chocó.

This rural dispute was transferred to Quibdó, as well as hundreds of displaced people from affected territories such as Bojayá. The city became an epicenter of further violence, increasingly exacerbated by the lack of employment, social intervention and state neglect.

With the departure of the FARC from the area, the ELN arrived, which maintains control of the routes in rural areas, but created the urban cell Mexicanos to take over micro-trafficking and make the war tax official for all businesses. On the other side are the heirs of paramilitarism: the branch gangs of Clan del Golfo, which does exactly the same thing as the Mexicanos in neighborhoods and downtown commerce. Quibdoseños finance a conflict they have no stake in.

These structures recruit young people in the most vulnerable neighborhoods and send them to train for months in rural areas, then they return to be soldiers of criminality, take care of the territories and murder those who do not pay taxes or any stranger who crosses an invisible border without a compelling justification.

The criminal cocktail in Quibdó has all the components: little law enforcement, no social intervention, state abandonment, a fearful citizenry and unemployment at historic levels, which assures armed groups new soldiers. The city travels along the paths of pain and anguish. There is no peace, because violence found everything it needed to be happy there.

Quibdó: the torments of a city held hostage by violence
 

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Jacarezinho Massacre: criminalization of poverty is the security policy of the Bolsonaro government

By Milton Alves | May 09, 2021 | 00:13

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Residents protest after a police operation against alleged drug traffickers at the Jacarezinho favela in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on May 06, 2021. Photo: AFP

The escalating genocide led by the Bolsonaro government against the poor people who inhabit the slums and neighborhoods on the peripheries of the country's metropolitan regions caused the death of almost 30 people last Thursday (6), in the Jacarezinho community in Rio de Janeiro.

In addition to brutal police operations across the country in the name of combating drug trafficking, poor communities are also the most affected by the neglect and negativism of the Bolsonaro government in the face of the Covid-19 pandemic. It is a cycle of intersecting deaths: the fatal victims of police brutality and the thousands killed by the pandemic.

The continued cycle of deaths that affects the poor, black — and selectively located — population is a hallmark of authoritarian governments. It is also worth remembering the slaughter in Paraisópolis, in the South Zone of São Paulo, which took place in December 2019 and remains unpunished for the command of the Military Police, protected by the government of João Doria (PSDB).

The extreme right's rise to the federal government boosted the policy of extermination and criminalizing poverty in the name of an alleged fight against crime.

What happened at Jacarezinho is a nefarious example of such policy. The slaughter was commanded by the Civil Police, a punitive expedition that executed dozens of human beings in an illegal and criminal manner. So far, the Civil Police are unable to identify the dead, which could be a serious indication that the majority of those executed have nothing to do with drug trafficking.

The criminal action of the police was an open challenge to the Supreme Federal Court (STF) itself, which prohibited armed operations by the security forces during the pandemic in Rio de Janeiro's communities. The case demands a rigorous investigation with the participation of civil society entities, an indispensable measure to contain police corporatism as well as the protection of the perpetrators of the slaughter.

The “slaughter policy” conducted by the current Rio de Janeiro governor, the same as Wilson Witzel's “headshot” policy, has the mark of geographical selectivity: in the last few months, the police operations that resulted in deaths were carried out in poor communities controlled by drug traffickers. In the areas under control of the militias, the true and millionaire organized crime today in Rio, no deaths occurred as a result of siege and annihilation operations by the Military Police and other security forces.

In its speech to the general public, the extreme right government promises the middle class more access to arms for individuals; repression by the Special Police Operations Battalion (BOPE in its Portuguese acronym) and the militias for the poor and specialized, private security for the wealthy and privileged — isolated in their exclusive luxury condominiums and refined urban resorts.

A repressive police system — in alliance with the paramilitary militia — is the model that has been instituted in the country, operating its institutional legitimation with the political rigging of the security forces by Bolsonarism and the official stimulus of President Jair Bolsonaro. An authoritarian and demagogic governmental action that promotes violence against poverty to obtain political support from the more reactionary and conservative sectors of society.

The issue of public security is complex, difficult to resolve, and has a direct relationship with the very nature of the capitalist regime, which generates structural exclusion and accumulation of wealth — but the left needs to face this issue with courage, propose measures and fight the Bolsonarist extreme right for the political control of the narrative.

Topics such as the uncompromising defense of human rights, the urgent reform of the criminal justice system, the end of the mass incarceration policy, the wide decriminalization of all drugs, the hard fight against militia gangs, more social investments in poor communities and the reformulation of security forces doctrine are some of the challenges for the construction of a nationally structured, humanistic and integral public security policy.

Jacarezinho Massacre: criminalization of poverty is the security policy of the Bolsonaro government





















 

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Understand why massacres like the one in Jacarezinho do not end drug trafficking

Massacres orchestrated by police in Rio de Janeiro are linked to the political interests of militias

May 7, 2021 | 16:27:13
By: Juca Guimarães | Editing: Nataly Simões | Image: Mauro Pimentel


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The impact of the deaths of 25 people slaughtered in Jacarezinho, a favela located in the North Zone of Rio de Janeiro, once again raises doubts about the efficiency of police operations, which for years have been under the justification of fighting the war on drugs.

“The police in Rio answers to no one. It lives in autonomy and according to its own interests. In Jacarezinho as well as the Roseiral Complex, located in the city of Belford Roxo, where more than 20 people have died since January, police operations are against one specific faction which is Comando Vermelho”, says sociologist José Cláudio Souza Alves, professor at the Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ).

According to the professor, the point of these attacks on the territories controlled by Comando Vermelho — which are marked by many deaths of black and poor people who have no ties to any criminal organization — is not to combat drug trafficking.

“The goal is to impair Comando Vermelho for the installation of new organized crime projects in these areas. Whether in Jacarezinho or in Roseiral, the goal is to establish the militia, which is a criminal organization directly linked to the State's structure, organized by civil servants, who have over 57% of Rio's territories under armed control. Jacarezinho is their new territory”, explains Alves, also pointing to the interest in having electoral control over the population and the interest in expanding new businesses.

Alliances with militiamen

Regarding the slaughter in Jacarezinho, the sociologist believes that there may be a takeover by Terceiro Comando Puro, which is a faction that also operates in drug trafficking, but makes alliances with militiamen. “In all the territories where the militia enters, Terceiro Comando negotiates to sell drugs, kind of ‘bowing down’ and paying to militiamen. Something that Comando Vermelho refuses to do”, analyzes Alves.

Attorney Joel Costa, from IDPN (Institute for the Defense of the Black Population), was at Jacarezinho to follow the developments of the massacre, which took place on Thursday morning (6). “There were executions and home invasions. A boy died while sitting on the couch. He was not shooting at anyone. Is drug trafficking in the alleys in Jacarezinho going to end after these 25 deaths? I think not”, he says.

Also present at the inspection, attorney Djefferson Amadeus, from IDPN, spoke with residents who were in Jacarezinho during the police operation. He recalls that “there are people who slept with a grenade about to explode on the roof. This grenade was allegedly thrown from a helicopter. And helicopters were banned from being used as a firing platform during police operations in the Favelas Accusation of Breach of Fundamental Precept”.

Understand why massacres like the one in Jacarezinho do not end drug trafficking
 

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Bety Ruth Lozano, Colombian social leader: “stopping tax reform is not enough”

Speaking from Cali, the epicenter of the revolt and repressive cruelty, Lozano describes what is happening and demands the attention of the international community.

By Verónica Gago
May 08, 2021


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Since April 28, Colombians have been on strike indefinitely, a process that took by surprise even the organizers who envisioned it as a one-day thing. It began as a force measurement against tax and health care reforms promoted by ultra-neoliberal Iván Duque, just at a devastating time when the country is going through a pandemic crisis, but it spread as a mass convocation in large and small cities, functioning as a catalyst for deeper discontent.

Here is published part of an urgent conversation called by the NiUnaMenos collective with professor and Afro-feminist militant Bety Ruth Lozano who, along with two colleagues, Gloria and Cristina, from the teachers' union, report from the city of Cali, the epicenter of both unrest and the repressive cruelty which includes deaths, missing people, rape and hundreds of injuries. As a matter of fact, while this interview was conducted, a meeting in Miami took place between Duque himself, ex-president Macri and Chilean Sebastián Piñera, among others, to talk about a democracy in danger while they rule by the gun. We must stop the massacre in Colombia immediately, say unions, feminists, Indigenous peoples, peasants, the LGBTQI community, Afro-descendants and grassroots neighborhood organizations that, in a state of alert and without leaving the streets, demand its international condemnation. The images that have been circulating these past few days are of a literal war: helicopters firing from the sky, streets lit up by machine guns, tear gas and tanks occupying the roads. Nevertheless, discontent doesn't cease.

— How did the protest that began on April 28 escalate?

— The strike started for one day but continued and the repression was very strong on April 29 and 30 and already on May 1, on International Workers' Day, there was a historic march, which is estimated to have been attended by over a million people in Cali alone. In fact, the organizers of the strike call for a virtual mobilization and people ignore it and take to the streets and mobilize, and there are multiple blockade points throughout the city as well as in Bogotá and Medellín, escalating very fast nationwide. The call is not only against the tax reform that puts more taxes on the poorer and the middle class, it is also against the health care reform underway in Congress, along with a set of precarious public policies for our lives. There are two articulating axes of movement these days. The first is the instant intercommunication that young people have. We of another generation are in the third line and we are above all women carrying water and medicines. The other element is the fact that it is the youth that have been directly affected by the economic and emotional consequences of the pandemic: the lockdown, their and their parents' unemployment, protesting to go to college, mental health situations due to stress and poverty. This reminds us of what took place in 2019 when, as in Chile, Peru and Ecuador, the population and social movements were awakening from the consequences of the neoliberal model of pauperization and extermination that is now intensifying with the virus. As one of the slogans said: we do not care if we lose our lives because they have already taken so much from us that they took away our fear.

— One of the complaints being repeated is that the internet is cut off in the protest areas to prevent the transmission that documents state repression in real time.

— Yes, the mobilizations managed to have an instant worldwide resonance, thanks to all these alternative media and networks. The private media are pro-government and they want to give the idea that nothing is going on, or they speak of vandalism, of terrorist acts, but they do not mention the repression and the violation of human rights that has been carried out even against human rights defenders and the people working in the Ombudsman's Office. They say 31 people have been killed but there are several dead people whose bodies have not been found. There are over 90 people missing, we know they have been murdered and their bodies have not been found. Several women have reported sexual violence by the police and hundreds of injuries. These figures are underreported because we know that there are many more and the Public Prosecutor's Office also refuses to collect all the complaints.

— How do you explain the strength of the protest, which by now is almost an uprising?

— The situation of the pandemic made visible all the precariousness. Informal work has served as a buffer against the crisis but it has become very difficult to sustain. Domestic workers, for example, cannot go out to work and employment has been reduced too much. There is a tremendous precariousness of life along with all the corruption of the government.

— That is why, despite the announcement that the tax reform was halted, people are still mobilized. In addition, the reports of murders of leaders and social leaders have increased brutally this year.

— I was just about to mention. It's a lot of things. They say the strike is proposed to stop the tax reform, and that is how the National Strike Board sees it. But the people in the streets know that stopping the tax reform is not enough; there is a huge number of murders of social leaders, despite the signing of a peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas, which are now a political movement. The war continues especially in rural areas, where the murder of Indigenous and Afro-descendant leaders is frequent. The amount of femicides in the country has also increased brutally over the past year and this year. Added to this are the 6402, which is how the number of “false positives” is known during the eight years of Álvaro Uribe's government: the young people who were kidnapped from their homes or taken with deception, murdered and then dressed as guerrillas for pictures. In other words, Uribe lied to the whole country saying we were winning the war against the FARC showing a number of murdered guerrillas, when those were actually young people of low-income backgrounds who had been deceived under the pretext of a job, that they were going to be paid for a football game, or that they were going to be taken to pick up coffee in rural areas, and they never returned. All this falsehood has come to light and people know the truth. In addition, this government is among those that have worst handled this pandemic situation in the continent. All this discontent is emerging in these days of striking and people are calling for real fundamental change.

— They say a decree is ready to declare a state of “internal commotion”. What would this mean?

— We are waiting for it to be made public and to know from what source it comes. It is a threat to say that the decree is on the president's table and his signature is missing. What they tell us is: either withdraw and lift the strike or we'll pass the decree and what I think is that the youth no longer believe in these threats. The people stand strong in the streets and if there is a decree of internal commotion, violence is going to be much more serious and generalized. We call on the international community to keep all eyes on Colombia, to demand that the government take the army off the streets and resolve the discontent of the masses in a peaceful manner. ESMAD is also operating, which is an anti-riot police, that has already gouged out the eyes of several people and shot at electrical generators to cut off the light, because it is a police force trained to stop the protest. We also demand that ESMAD be abolished. In addition, there is a huge number of undercover police officers.

— It is impressive how the methods of criminalization and massacre of the protest are repeated: this method of aiming directly at the eyes of the people has happened in Chile. Recently we have also seen a strong incorporation of the Indigenous movement...

— It seems that the decision to lift the strike is no longer in the hands of the Central Union of Workers, the Colombian Federation of Education Workers or the National Strike Board. It has taken on a life of its own in all youth mobilizations across the country. And also the Indigenous Minga, which is the form of mobilization that Indigenous organizations have, especially in the department of Cauca, has been moving around the blockade sites. They are a very important, highly respected, recognized, and beloved symbolic supporting force. They are only armed with sticks and yet they are authorities who make everyone feel very supported. They have stayed in Cali because of the special situation we are experiencing in Siloé, which is this place that was settled at the end of the 50s by a population displaced by what is known in Colombia as Violence with a capital V: that is this civil war that the liberal and conservative political parties generated and that put the Colombian people to death. That created an entire agrarian reform that deprived a large part of the peasantry of their plots of land and led them to this hillside that is Siloé, where there are many youth organizations, which is where military violence has hit the hardest.

— Why was there a special cruelty with Cali, to the point that the army colonel was sent to control the situation?

— Cali is known as the world capital of salsa, but we have shown that we can also dance to the rhythm of unrest, right? We can dance to the rhythm of rebeliousness, of insurrection, but also of dignity. Cali is a city that has about three million people, with the largest black population the whole country. They say the black population is around 40% of the total population in Cali: in recent years they have been displaced by the conflict to all these marginal neighborhoods and depend on informal work where black youth are subject to police brutality; and these murders are left out of the official statistics. It is a city that receives the displaced population from all sides: Indigenous peoples, people from the Colombian Pacific, people from the South, from Putumayo, from Cauca. It is not that people concentrated in one place, they decided to block the entrances and exits of the city at strategic points. And it must be remembered that Cali is the entrance to the Pacific Ocean, where the most important port that Colombia has — Buenaventura — is located, where over 60 percent of merchandise enters the country. These strategically placed blockades — because they cause enormous damage to the economy not only locally but also at the national level — led to the arrival of the military sent not only by the government but also, we know, by businessmen and agro-industrialists. Because you have to understand that Cali is the epicenter of the sugarcane monoculture agribusiness. They, the sugarcane growers, who are the ones who control the city, have also asked the government to come and unblock the roads. We have to remain alert because what is coming may be worse than what has happened these days.

Bety Ruth Lozano, Colombian social leader: “stopping tax reform is not enough”
 

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Belize National Becomes First Female CARICOM Secretary General

May 11, 2021

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Belizean Dr. Carla Barnett, the first-ever woman to have served as deputy secretary-general from 1997 to 2002, has been elected as the new Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Secretary-General replacing the Dominican-born diplomat, Irwin LaRocque, who has been in the post since August 2011.

Barnett was elected during the virtual 21st Special Meeting of the CARICOM leaders, chaired by Prime Minister Dr. Keith Rowley, the chairman of the 15-member grouping.

The other candidate who was being considered for the post is the current CARICOM Deputy Secretary-General, Dr. Manorma Soeknandan.

Last month, when she was nominated for the position by Belize, Barnett said her vision for the regional grouping is “a CARICOM that the ordinary woman and man will defend because they feel the impact in their daily lives through economic and social advancement that comes from community action”.

She said CARICOM should never be afraid to re-strategise, as it is now doing, when the needs are great and the resources scarce.

“The (COVID-19) pandemic is forcing us to recalibrate and set new priorities for regional development. ‘Do more with less’ has new meaning for all of us. This does not mean less effective work. Indeed, increased incorporation of information and communication technology into our work provides opportunities for greater productivity and for CARICOM citizens to be much more involved in the strengthening of Regional integration well into the future, beyond COVID,” she added.

In a statement, the Belize government hailed her election “based on her qualifications, experience and skills, adding “all heads pledged their support to working with Dr. Barnett for advancing the agenda of the region”.

Prime Minister John Briceño, who led the Belize delegation at the meeting, thanked his CARICOM colleagues for the confidence entrusted to Barnett.

He noted that Barnett will take up the post of secretary general at a most critical time for the region and “also highlighted that in addition to her unimpeachable qualifications, Dr. Barnett’s professional career has precisely equipped her with the skills, experience and network to lead the CARICOM Secretariat.”

In a brief statement announcing her appointment, CARICOM chairman and Trinidad and Tobago’s Prime Minister Dr. Keith Rowley said the regional leaders had “unanimously agreed” to her selection as the eighth CARICOM Secretary General.

“Heads of Government in congratulating Dr Barnett on her selection, recognised the historic moment for the Community,” he said.

Barnett has extensive experience at the executive level of the public service in Belize and in the CARICOM region.

She was formerly vice president of the Belize Senate and has served in various ministerial capacities in her country’s government. She has also served as Financial Secretary of Belize and Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Belize, as well as Vice-President (Operations) of the Barbados-based Caribbean Development Bank (CDB).

Barnett was educated at the University of the West Indies (UWI) where she read for a Ph.D. in Social Sciences. She also holds a Master of Economics degree from the University of Western Ontario in Canada, and a Bachelor of Science degree in Economics from the UWI.

Her tenure as CARICOM deputy secretary-general coincided with the re-organisation of the Guyana-based CARICOM Secretariat, the Community’s administrative body.

CMC

Belize National Becomes First Female CARICOM Secretary General
 

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South America’s ‘Business Friendly’ Bloodbath

MAY 12, 2021

International Business and Banking support for the most repressive regimes in Latin America is even more evident than it was during the original cold war. Now, Wall Streetʼs three main men in South America all face charges of crimes against humanity, even genocide, at the International Criminal Court.

Whilst the anglosphere regularly attacks governments of the left in Latin America on human rights grounds, it is its pliant business friendly U.S. regional allies; Brazilʼs Bolsonaro, Chileʼs Piñera, and Colombiaʼs Duque, who face being sent before the Hague.

All three countries face crucial elections over the next eighteen months.

Colombia: See no evil

A graduate of Georgetown University, the notorious hotbed for CIA recruitment, Colombian president Ivan Duque and members of his government will now face charges of crimes against humanity at the International Criminal Court.

In April 2021, Trade Union-organised protests began in Colombia against planned tax reforms which threatened to hit the country’s poorest hard. Demands for “simplified tax code” are often a euphemism for an easier ride for foreign investors and the wealthy.

What followed was a campaign of state terror; repression of the protests, violence and killings, involving both state forces and paramilitaries.

According to human rights organisations Temblores and Indepaz, from 28 April to 8 May, violent actions of the state security forces resulted in the death of at least 47 people, the arbitrary detention of 963 people, 28 victims of eye-related injuries, and 12 victims of sexual violence. In total, they registered 1,876 cases of police violence.

Media coverage was subdued compared to that which accompanies demonstrations in neighbouring Venezuela, with reporters complaining that international media outlets were not interested in the story.

Laura Capote and Zoe Alexandra write: “After several nights of terror, the silence of the international community was broken. The United Nations Human Rights Office released a strong statement on the morning of 4 May expressing that it is ‘deeply alarmed’ at what is happening in Cali where ‘police opened fire on demonstrators protesting against tax reforms, reportedly killing and injuring a number of people.’”

As a result, Colombian politicians and human rights groups are preparing an official complaint to the International Criminal Court against the Ivan Duque regime. Kawsachun News reports: “Senator Iván Cepeda Castro announced that he would be relaying the information alongside the organizations Defender la Libertad, Temblores, and La Coordinación Colombia-Europa-Estados Unidos, “informing the possible responsibility of President Duque, Uribe, Minister Molano, Gr. Zapateiro and Gr. Vargas in crimes against humanity committed during the strike.””

In 2012 the Wall Street Journal celebrated Colombia as a new Latin American tiger economy, in a report noted by CIA think tank CSIS. Long the biggest recipient of military aid in the hemisphere, on the pretext of fighting the so called war on drugs, Colombia occupies a very special position for the United States in the region. Plan Colombia, the multi-billion aid package which ran for fifteen years, means that US Southern Command now enjoys free use of military facilities in the country, although a formal agreement to establish seven permanent bases was struck down by legislators in 2010 as unconstitutional. Despite this, US presence in Colombia is key to its strategy to suppress progressive movements in the region, and in 2017 it became a NATO partner member, with its adjunct think tank the Atlantic Council, speaking glowingly of the US-Colombia partnership. This partnership has resulted in a blind eye being turned to state abuses in the country.

In spite of international condemnation which followed the Duque regime’s violent reaction to the protests, Brazil’s foreign ministry chose that moment to reaffirm its shared values with Colombia, whilst Wall Street lobby and think tank Council of the Americas, the main conduit between private corporations and U.S. foreign policy in Latin America, attempted to deflect blame onto armed left-wing groups such as FARC and ELN for the violence.

A recent Amnesty International report “Why do they want to kill us?” observes that murders of Colombian human rights defenders have intensified under Duque, and the 2016 peace deal between the government and FARC guerrillas. As the FARC moved out, the remote areas became more dangerous: “Things have got even worse, particularly for those living in geographically strategic and natural resource-rich areas,” said Amnesty’s Americas Director Erika Guevara-Rosas. According to the UN, at least 107 social leaders and human rights activists were killed in 2019. This number doubled in 2020.

Multinationals are known to collaborate with Colombian paramilitaries in the extermination of those opposing land seizure for projects such as mining.

Council of the Americas member Chiquita, formerly the hated United Fruit Company, has a infamous history of political interference and abuses in Latin America. In Colombia, Matt Kennard writes that Chiquita “[…] were giving millions of dollars to mass-murdering paramilitaries, who had been emboldened by political protection during the civil war […]The major paramilitary group in Colombia, the AUC, has a long history of violence against peasants, trade unionists, Afro-Colombians and indigenous communities. Chiquita has admitted that it made at least 100 payments to the AUC in the period from 1997 to 2004, a total of $1.7 million.” The AUC (United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia) was designated a terrorist group by the US in 2001, and was responsible for grotesque and widespread abuses including kidnapping, extortion, murder, and rape.

Council of the Americas’ vice president of policy, Brian Winter, was ghostwriter for Duque’s predecessor and mentor, former president Alvaro Uribe, president of Colombia from 2002-2010. In the WSJ review of ghostwritten autobiography ‘No Lost Causes’, Uribe is depicted as the “man who saved Colombia” and it served to whitewash the former president’s image abroad.

A Council on Hemispheric Affairs report however called Uribe “the most dangerous man in Colombian politics” and notes the Uribe’s administration’s ties to the far right paramilitary AUC. His own brother Santiago was jailed for right-wing paramilitary involvement.

US intelligence documents declassified during his presidency revealed Alvaro Uribe listed among “important Colombian narco-traffickers”, in a 1991 communique which noted his dealings with the Medellin Cartel, and his close personal friendship with Pablo Escobar. As a key partner in the war on drugs, the cable was damaging to Uribe, as he mobilised Plan Colombia’s massive military aid in an effort to crush the FARC, who just years earlier looked on the brink of winning the civil war.

The Colombian Peace Tribunal (JEP) has recently released findings that, during Uribe’s crackdown on the FARC and other groups, the army murdered 6,402 civilians and presented them as guerrillas killed in combat between 2002 and 2008, in the ‘false positives’ scandal.

But Uribe is now under house arrest on charges relating to other massacres, which left between 150 and 200 people dead during his time as governor of Antioquia province. The series of massacres, which took place between 1996 and 1998, have been declared crimes against humanity by the Colombian Supreme Court. Despite his right wing paramilitary links being revealed in State Department cables during his presidency, the United States opposes Uribe’s investigation.

Left wing Senator Gustavo Petro, the ex-mayor of Bogota and one time member of revolutionary group M-19, who was defeated by Ivan Duque in the 2018 presidential runoff, currently leads polls for the 2022 election.
 

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Chile: The blueprint

Chile was of course the original blueprint for US-enforced neoliberalism in South America.

Current President Sebastian Piñera was a supporter of General Augusto Pinochet and the bloody 1973 coup which installed his dictatorship with the help of the CIA and Council of the Americas, whose staff and functions were interchangeable, as documented in Seymour Hersh’s Price of Power. It was the threat that a democratic and socialist Chile could set an example to the region which motivated US plans for the coup against Salvador Allende, and it was instead turned into an open laboratory for Milton Friedman’s laissez-faire economic theories. Council of the America’s Brian Winter once called neofascist Pinochet “a revolutionary” rather than U.S. backed neofascist dictator.

The Wall Street Journal’s Mary Anastasia O’Grady, a backer of Latin America’s far right governments, had long championed Piñera, who upon taking office promised to privatise Chilean copper interests which lay behind the 1973 coup.

Some members of Piñera’s coalition served in the Pinochet government, and the New York Times reported that “his brother, José Piñera, helped install the nation’s neo-liberal economic program as the general’s labor minister and today is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, a libertarian research group in Washington.”. With hundreds of women kidnapped, tortured, raped and murdered under the Pinochet regime, Piñera enraged Chile’s feminist movement by naming the General’s great niece, Macarena Santelices, who has has praised the “positives” of the dicatorship, as minister for women.

In 1998, Sebastian Piñera opposed Judge Balthazar Garzon’s attempt to have Pinochet extradited to Spain to face trial for human rights violations during his dictatorship, for which he had been implicated in over 300 criminal charges.

Following his security forces’ violent repression of mass protests which exploded around Chile in 2019, Sebastian Piñera himself now faces charges of crimes against humanity, following in the footsteps of Pinochet.

Earlier in 2019, a delegation representing the Mapuche indigenous people presented a petition at the Hague accusing the Piñera government of genocide. Six months later as mass demonstrations erupted across the country, their brutal repression led to further charges at the ICC.

And it was again Baltasar Garzón who filed the accusation before the International Criminal Court against Piñera for his alleged involvement in crimes against humanity during the 2019 protests.

”Garzón, the Chilean Human Rights Commission (CCHDH) and other organizations today sent a letter to the attorney general of the International Criminal Court (ICC), lawyer Fatou Bensouda, in the Dutch city of The Hague for the court to investigate, accuse and initiate a trial of President Sebastián Piñera for crimes against humanity that have been committed since October 2019,” reported the Center for Journalistic Investigation (Ciper).

It called for the prosecution of Piñera and all officials and members of the security forces involved in the repression of the 2019 protests, in the belief that widespread and systematic crimes against humanity were committed, and contained more than 3,000 cases of human rights violations Repression of the protests left about thirty dead, 460 people with eye injuries and more than 8,800 complaints about crimes committed by state security forces.

The complaints were confirmed by reports from the United Nations, Amnesty International, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Human Rights Watch and the National Institute for Human Rights.

Progressive International writes: “There have been a series of systematic violations of human rights in Chile, especially during the period of the “social outbreak”. National and international human rights organisations have recorded eye injuries caused by the impact of rubber bullets, torture, deaths, sexual abuse and a series of other abuses and serious violations. These have been compiled into a dossier of evidence to take Sebastián Piñera to the International Criminal Court.”

The violence meted out to protesters was particularly horrific, with a police strategy to target the eyes of demonstrators with rubber bullets, designed to terrorise the population and clear the streets.

Senator and Chilean Upper House Human Rights Commission president, Alejandro Navarro, insisted that President Piñera “will not die without first paying for his responsibility.” after Santiago’s 7th Court of Guarantees admitted a complaint of crimes against humanity against Piñera. “He will be punished with imprisonment in any of its grades, the maximum degree being a penalty ranging from 15 to 20 years,” Navarro said.

Council of the Americas personnel tried to insinuate that “foreign forces” were behind the Chilean protests, and those which rocked Ecuador in the same period, without presenting evidence. In contrast, when these kind of allegations happens under left governments or those not allied to the United States, skeptics are frequently accused of “denying agency” by questioning what might be behind such destabilising movements, such as the involvement of foreign or foreign funded non-governmental organisations.

In October 2020, one year after the protests, 78% of Chileans voted to rewrite the constitution – one of the vestiges of the Pinochet era.

The Communist Party’s Daniel Jadue, currently mayor of Recoleta, leads most opinion polls for Chile’s 2021 presidential election.
 

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Brazil: The image problem

In May 2019 the United States’ biggest banks sponsored a lavish New York gala event for Brazil’s new president Jair Bolsonaro, held at the Marriott Marquis hotel. Six months later Bolsonaro faced the first of a series of charges at the international criminal court, for crimes against humanity and incitement of genocide.

The New York event was sponsored by Council of the Americas patron member Citigroup whose CEO Michael Corbat defended its sponsorship of the gala in the face of a well organised protest campaign to cancel it. It was originally scheduled to take place at the American Museum of Natural History but was cancelled due to public outrage that the museum would host a man intent on dismantling protections of the Amazon for foreign mining and agribusiness corporations.

Whilst other companies withdrew, Council of the Americas members who sponsored the event included Credit Suisse Group AG, JPMorgan Chase & Co., BNP Paribas SA, HSBC, Bank of America. and Morgan Stanley. Corbat told CNBC’s Carl Quintanilla: “We spend a lot of time making sure our people understand the values of our company, and I hope in the case of that, there’s no question in terms of our support, our unwavering support, for our LGBT community,” in an attempt to pinkwash their endorsement of Bolsonaro’s necropolitics.

Bolsonaro’s well publicised history of not only homophobic, but violent, racist, misogynistic and genocidal statements made a mockery of these corporations facile appeals to LGBT customers, and they knew full well what he was before he was elected. On two occasions he made threatening rape related remarks to Workers Party congresswoman Maria do Rosario.

Despite this, Council of the Americas normalised Bolsonaro extreme right positions by calling him an “arch-conservative”. In 2017, following behind closed door meetings with the Bolsonaro clan at COA New York headquarters, Brian Winter referred to what assumedly were its members, as “some previously skeptical business leaders, in Brazil and abroad, were starting to come around. One described Bolsonaro as a “defense of last resort” if Lula were not prevented from running by his legal troubles and still led polls by mid-2018.”. Operation Lava Jato prosecutor Deltan Dellagnol called the jailing of Lula, “a gift from the CIA“.

No room for feelings” the investors said, of a man who claimed on television that 30,000 needed to be killed for Brazil to function properly.

Council of the Americas member, Barings Bank, could not contain their enthusiasm for the election of Bolsonaro, calling it “a new frontier”. “Jair Bolsonaro’s election as Brazil’s president in October 2018 was momentous: this was the first time since the establishment of the country’s 1988 constitution that a clear right-leaning mandate had won a national vote. Many market commentators have recognized that his appointment has the potential for positive economic transformation,” it proclaimed.

The propaganda-laden statement paid gushing tributes to Economy Minister Paulo Guedes and now disgraced Justice Minister Sérgio Moro, even lauding his politically-motivated imprisonment of former President Lula da Silva, which enabled Bolsonaro’s victory.

Guedes “Pro-Business” economic policies, delivered by a monster like Bolsonaro, was acceptable to them, as it had been many times in the past. A veteran of Pinochet’s Chile, Paulo Guedes reduces the atrocities under his rule to a “political point of view”.

The Wall Street Journal explicitly endorsed Jair Bolsonaro during the 2018 election, and lauded his spurious anti-corruption rhetoric.

The magazine gloated: “Global progressives are having an anxiety attack over the near-triumph Sunday of Brazil’s conservative presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro. After years of corruption and recession, apparently millions of Brazilians think an outsider is exactly what the country needs.”

“[…] Mr. Bolsonaro, who has spent 27 years in Congress, is best understood as a conservative populist who promises to make Brazil great for the first time. The 63-year-old is running on traditional values and often says politically incorrect things about identity politics that inflame his opponents. Yet he has attracted support from the middle class by pledging to reduce corruption, crack down on Brazil’s rampant crime and liberate entrepreneurs from government control. He has stopped short of promising to fully privatize Petrobras, the state-owned oil giant, but his chief economic adviser says he would sell its subsidiaries, deregulate much of the economy and restrain government spending. On crime he has promised to restore a police presence in urban and rural areas that have become lawless.”

On May 5, Jair Bolsonaro met new Rio de Janeiro governor Cláudio Castro at his official residence, the Laranjeiras Palace. Castro took office after the impeachment of far-right Wilson Witzel, whom he served as vice.

The next day saw the worst massacre by Rio de Janeiro police in history, with 28 killed at the Jacarezinho favela. The previous worst was the Vigário Geral massacre in 1993, with 21 victims.

Brazil’s Federal Supreme Court ordered suspension of police operations in Rio de Janeiro’s favelas in June 2020, but the state government has failed to comply. Jurema Werneck, executive director of Amnesty International Brazil said: “It’s completely unacceptable that security forces keep committing grave human rights violations such as those that occurred in Jacarezinho today against residents of the favelas, who are mostly Black and live in poverty.”

Bolsonaro’s rhetoric on police killings has been a trademark , with the motto “a good thief is a dead thief”, and advocating clearing favelas of gangs with gunfire from helicopters. During the 2018 election he also spoke of machine gunning Workers Party members at a campaign rally.

He congratulated Rio de Janeiro police following the Jacarezinho massacre. Whilst Rio police abuses have continued for decades, Brazil has never had an elected president who celebrates them.

An admirer of Chile’s Pinochet, it is with the Brazilian president’s brazen necropolitics that those promoting the interests of Wall Street investors have their major image problem in South America. Their 2018 pick soon became an international bogeyman, and distancing from the neofascist by those who once lauded his “good ideas” has been visible since the moment he took office.

As even the CIA embarks on a cringeworthy corporate embrace of “diversity”, that image problem has led to the financial press now attempting to instead bracket Brazil’s Bolsonaro together with left wingers Mexico’s Amlo and Argentina’s Fernandez, classifying them all as “populists”, when in fact he is in open ideological alliance with their preferred regional leaders, such as Chile’s Piñera and Colombia’s Duque.

With Bolsonaro’s support from the Atlantic Council, a pledge to make it a NATO associate member, and broadening of cooperation with Southcom, Brazil, like Colombia, is central to any U.S. strategic plans in South America. Bolsonaro became the first Brazilian leader in history to visit CIA headquarters, two months after his inauguration.

Latin America’s largest economy has been in steep decline since the U.S.-backed lawfare operation Lava Jato first froze its civil construction and energy sectors in 2015. Already suffering from the global commodities slowdown, this economic sabotage was overlooked, and instead used to build a secondary pretext for the removal of Dilma Rousseff, along with the systemic corruption the same Lava Jato was supposedly pursuing. As many predicted then, this was used to turn Brazil’s vast public sector into low hanging fruit for private and foreign investors.

Brazil’s situation was depicted bombastically as the worst economic crisis in history when it was nothing of the sort. Bridge to the future was to be the “solution” to this crisis when it was classic economic hit job of the wrong policy, in the wrong place, at the wrong time.

Rousseff calls her impeachment the opening act, or the original sin of Brazil’s catastrophe. Michel Temer admitted at a special Council of the Americas meeting in September 2016, shortly after her ouster, that she had been removed for her refusal to adopt ‘bridge to the future’, an austerity policy manifesto, and not for the minor budgetary infraction for which she was officially impeached.

Bridge to the future, which was suspected to have been drawn up by Council of the Americas and Paulo Guedes’ Instituto Millenium, enforced a twenty year freeze on Brazil’s public education and health investment. These policies continued and intensified under COA darling Guedes, which has exacerbated the country’s Coronavirus pandemic. At the time of publication, 1 in 500 Brazilians have already died of Covid-19. A University of São Paulo report conducted with NGO Conectas found that the Bolsonaro government had encouraged pandemic deaths through intentional spread of the virus and refusal of measures to control it, up to and US encouraged including suppression of vaccines. Guedes ally Solange Viera who had been involved in pension reforms pushed the previous year, remarked in a meeting: “It is good that deaths are concentrated among the elderly … This will improve our economic performance, as it will reduce our pension deficit”. There is now a Senate inquiry into Brazilian government handing of the pandemic which could yet sink the Bolsonaro-Guedes regime.

In 2019, Council of the Americas’ Brian Winter told World Economic Forum attendees to “prepare to be dazzled” by Bolsonaro’s new Minister of the Economy. The economy tanked, dazzlingly, long before the Coronavirus pandemic, with flat to negative GDP, capital flight and devaluation of the Real.

Now, Council of the Americas and the same Wall Street interests which backed Brazil’s coup of 1964, Chile’s in 1973, Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment, the jailing of Lula da Silva and the election of Bolsonaro and Guedes, now seek continuation of the ultraliberal project with a ‘Bridge to the future 2.0’, this time seeking to solve the image problem by marrying it to a more acceptable face.

Former president Lula of the Workers Party leads polls for the 2022 election commandingly, as he did before being removed from the race in 2018.
 
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