The Independent State Legislature Theory (SCOTUS oral arguments 12/07/2022)

OfTheCross

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This is important. SCOTUS will decide this in the next year and it will impact everyone. It would give 100% power to State Legislatures when it comes to elections and redistricting with no checks and balances or Constitutional bounds.




This morning, the Supreme Court decided to hear Moore v. Harper, a challenge to the congressional maps in North Carolina that has the potential to upend over 200 years of election law. In Moore, members of the state legislature are urging the Supreme Court to reinstate the map they drew – and that North Carolina courts struck down as unconstitutional and redrew – using what is known as the “independent state legislature” theory (or ISL). That theory claims that the federal Constitution gives state legislatures the power to regulate federal elections without checks from other state officials or constraints from the state’s constitution. Though Moore concerns congressional redistricting, the ISL theory reaches far further and would have sweeping and dangerous implications for most aspects of federal elections.

Defining the Independent State Legislature Theory​

The ISL theory is really multiple overlapping theories that fall within the broad name. The crux of any version of the theory is that the federal Constitution’s mention of state “legislatures” in the Elections and Electors Clauses should be understood as a grant of sole authority to state legislatures in setting the rules for congressional and presidential elections, respectively. In some versions, that means a state legislature’s regulation of federal elections could not be struck down by a state court on state constitutional grounds – the exact scenario at issue in Moore. The Moore petitioners go further and claim that, under the theory, a state legislature may not even delegate power to other state actors, like courts or election officials, to implement state election law where the legislature fails to address an issue.

Under some other versions of the theory not at issue in Moore, governors could not veto state laws concerning federal elections, nor could citizens, by ballot initiative, change the rules for federal elections. Proponents of this version of the theory read the reference to “legislature” to mean only state assemblies and state senates (sometimes called “institutional” or “formal” legislatures) and not the broader legislative processes, such as gubernatorial veto or citizen ballot initiative, used by a state. And, while the Supreme Court has never adopted the theory, in Bush v. Gore, Chief Justice William Rehnquist, joined by Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas, advanced a version of the theory that would allow federal courts to step in and block state court interpretations of state law where the federal courts found those interpretations to diverge too much from the plain text.
 

OfTheCross

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What would happen if the Supreme Court accepted the independent state legislature theory?

The independent state legislature theory would cause significant disruption by potentially nullifying state constitutional provisions regarding federal elections. State constitutional bans on gerrymandering in Florida, Ohio, North Carolina, and other states could die, as could independent redistricting commissions in Arizona, California, Michigan and other states. Other state constitutional provisions — like the right to a secret ballot in many states — could also be wiped out.

Delegations of authority would also be questionable, robbing elections commissions and secretaries of state of the power to make decisions, including in emergencies. And only federal courts would have the power to review gerrymandering or voter suppression claims relating to federal elections.

The nightmare scenario is that a legislature, displeased with how an election official on the ground has interpreted her state’s election laws, would invoke the theory as a pretext to refuse to certify the results of a presidential election and instead select its own slate of electors. Indeed, this isn’t far from the plan attempted by Trump allies following his loss in the 2020 election. And, according to former federal judge J. Michael Luttig — a distinguished conservative jurist — the theory is a part of the “Republican blueprint to steal the 2024 election.”

These high stakes underscore the significance of the challenge the independent state legislature theory presents to the courts.

 

OfTheCross

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So what is the independent state legislature theory? It starts with the Constitution’s Elections Clause, which provides that “The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof…” (emphasis added).

The point of contention is in that reference to “the Legislature thereof.” Does that mean only the elected body consisting of state representatives and state senators? Or does it refer to the state’s lawmaking process more broadly, however that might be organized by the state’s constitution, including things like possible gubernatorial vetoes and judicial review by state courts? It’s the former interpretation that would make state legislatures “independent” of any constraints under the state’s constitution, on the theory that any such limits on their power are overridden by the federal Constitution.

The practical implications of this question were made plain in a 2015 case concerning Arizona’s independent redistricting commission, which was created by voters through a ballot initiative. Members of the Arizona state legislature sued in federal court, arguing that this usurped a power the federal Constitution grants only to them. In Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, the Supreme Court rejected that argument in an opinion written by Justice Ginsburg and joined by the three other liberals together with Justice Kennedy.

Now a similar case will go before a changed court, with Kennedy and Ginsburg both replaced by more conservative justices who are presumed to be more sympathetic to the dissents in the Arizona case. In Moore, the North Carolina state courts struck down the congressional districts adopted by the state legislature, holding that they violated the state constitution due to excessive gerrymandering. Like happened in Arizona, North Carolina legislators filed a federal suit claiming that state constitutions and courts can not constrain their exercise of the power granted by the Elections Clause.

Observers widely expect the court to endorse the independent state legislature theory, though how far they will go with it is an open question. The consequences could be substantial, overturning popular reform moves in many states to limit partisan gerrymandering. That might include independent commissions and the use of referendums like in Arizona, state court rulings like the one at stake in North Carolina, and state executive actions such as many states controversially used to alter their election procedures in response to the pandemic. These would be big and consequential changes to how federal elections are run, and those concerned with election law and policy are right to say so.

Such a ruling could also have troubling practical consequences, splitting the process of setting rules for elections to state office from the rules for federal elections, even though both appear on the same ballots on the same day. Such a possibility was once so troubling that the Constitution was amended in record time to avoid it.

So that’s what’s at stake for House and Senate elections. What about presidential elections? What does Moore potentially mean for Electoral Count Act reform and concerns about attempted subversion like we saw in the 2020 election?

The Constitution’s Electors Clause, governing how members of the Electoral College are chosen, contains similar language granting the decision over method of selection to each state’s “legislature.” In the 2020 election and after, advocates for Trump argued this amounts to a sweeping power for state legislators to overturn the results of the presidential election in their state. Even after a state’s voters chose Biden and thus his slate of electors, and after that result was duly confirmed by both state and federal courts, the claim was that Republican‐majority legislatures could appoint Trump electors instead. In its most outlandish version, proponents argue legislators could revoke their state’s 2020 electoral votes right now, long after the election is over and the winner has taken office.

But this is not what independent state legislature theory would do on its own terms, and it is not what has been advocated by serious proponents. There has been no indication from the conservative justices, including in their dissents in Arizona and other recent cases, that they would condone such an action. That’s because it would contradict the plain text of the Constitution regardless of any theory about the powers of state legislatures.

 

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UCLA election law professor Richard Hasen joins Amy to explain Moore v. Harper, the case in which North Carolina legislators ask the justices to consider a theory that would give state legislatures near complete power to regulate federal elections without interference from state courts. Hasen breaks down the theory, known as the independent state legislature theory, and points to important briefs and potential outcomes to keep an eye out for. Moore v. Harper will be argued Wednesday, Dec. 7.
 

OfTheCross

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Tomorrow the United States Supreme Court will hear oral arguments in a very consequential case over voting rights. The case could determine the nation’s fidelity to basic democratic principles about checks and balances and allocation of power.

The issue at the center of the case appears unremarkable at first, the drawing of maps for congressional districts in North Carolina. But fundamental human rights are at stake, and how the court decides could shape the future of US democracy.

The Supreme Court will be deciding whether it is necessary to preserve the ability for citizens to be able challenge the redrawing of a voting district map in court if they feel their rights have been violated. The right to remedy is crucial in protecting the rights of all citizens, including against discrimination in voting based on race, religion, or other protected class.

State legislatures draw these maps, and partisan gerrymandering – creating congressional districts to ensure one party will win – is rife in the US. These maps are often redrawn to dilute the voting power of marginalized populations, in particular Black voters. The maps drawn by the Republican-controlled North Carolina legislature were so extreme, the state’s supreme court intervened and adopted an independently drawn map. Republican lawmakers took the case to the US Supreme Court arguing courts have no right to intervene in elections. Their argument is based on the untested “independent state legislature theory” (ISLT), which would eviscerate checks and balances, meaning state legislatures could advance extreme gerrymandering, voter suppression laws, and potentially upend election outcomes without judicial oversight.

The ISLT violates the US’s international human rights obligations, as detailed by Human Rights Watch in a court brief in October. The US is obligated to guarantee the right to vote free from partisan gerrymandering and discrimination and the right to an effective remedy when rights are violated. It is dangerous for the court to consider ending that right. Our brief shows the harmful impact of discriminatory actions to limit civil and political rights in Sri Lanka and Iran, showing how it is against US interests to pursue policies akin to those of anti-democratic governments.

The ruling will likely not be issued until mid-2023. In the meantime, the US Congress should take action to shore up voting rights in the US, passing the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act and the For The People Act to help safeguard against all forms of voter suppression.
 

Payday23

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Voting rights weren't important when the Dems have had several majorities the last 15 years. It's not getting done with a GOP house
 

Payday23

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:patrice:

Voting Rights were gutted by SCOTUS in 2013.

The only year since then that Dems have had control were Biden's first 2 years...
Dems had a super majority when Obama was POTUS. They could've strengthened the VRA. They didn't just like they didn't do anything about abortion. The same goes for now. They want a strong GOP.

That's also the difference between both parties. Democrats plan for the current moment, while the GOP plans for decades from now.
 

OfTheCross

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Dems had a super majority when Obama was POTUS. They could've strengthened the VRA. They didn't just like they didn't do anything about abortion. The same goes for now. They want a strong GOP.

That's also the difference between both parties. Democrats plan for the current moment, while the GOP plans for decades from now.

Those were both settled law until 2013 and 2022. There wasn't a need to strengthen them. Let's blame the Republicans for being evil.

Oh...and Obama only had Congress for 2 years as well...
 

Payday23

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Those were both settled law until 2013 and 2022. There wasn't a need to strengthen them. Let's blame the Republicans for being evil.

Oh...and Obama only had Congress for 2 years as well...
Settled law til it wasn't. 2 years is plenty of time. Neither was a priority
 
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