The 1873 Colfax Massacre Crippled the Reconstruction Era

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One of the worst incidents of racial violence after the Civil War set the stage for segregation
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An etching of black families gathering the dead after the Colfax Massacre published in Harper's Weekly, May 10, 1873. (Public Domain via Wikimedia Commons)
By Danny Lewis
SMITHSONIAN.COM
APRIL 13, 2016



The Reconstruction period that followed America's Civil War was one of the worst, most violent eras in American history. During that time, thousands of African-Americans were killed by domestic terrorists like the Ku Klux Klan who tried to reinforce antebellum policies of white supremacy. For many historians, one of the worst examples of this violence occurred 143 years ago today: the Colfax Massacre of 1873.

Immediately after the end of the Civil War, different factions began fighting over power. Bitter over the Confederacy’s loss, many white Southern Democrats tried their best to continue disenfranchising and restricting the rights of former slaves. At the same time, insurgent, white supremacist groups terrorized African-Americans throughout the South. In Louisiana, the fight over the postwar government was particularly bloody, as PBS’ American Experience series explores.

Simmering resentments between Southern Democrats, most former slave owners, and the Republican-dominated federal government exploded in the 1872 election for Louisiana’s governor. The ballot resulted in a hotly contested split between the Republican and Democratic candidates, and when President Ulysses S. Grant sent federal troops to support the Republican candidate, white southerners rebelled and formed a heavily armed insurgent army called the “White League.” Similar to the Ku Klux Klan, the White League was a paramilitary group that intimidated and attacked blacks and white Republicans across the state, Henry Louis Gates, Jr. writes for the Root.

Out of fear that local Democrats might try to seize control of the Grant Parish regional government, which was almost evenly split between black and white citizens, an all-black militia took control of the local courthouse in April 1873. Soon after, a mob of more than 150 white men, most former Confederate soldiers and members of the Ku Klux Klan and the White League arrived and surrounded the courthouse, Bill Decker writes for the Lafayette Advertiser. After firing a cannon on the militiamen inside the courthouse on April 13, the two forces fired at each other until the black defenders were forced to surrender. But when they surrendered, the white mob murdered many of the black men, shooting at them and hanging some. Historians aren’t sure how many people died in the end, but while records show that the massacre resulted in the deaths of three white men, it's estimated that anywhere from 60 to 150 African-Americans were killed.

“The bloodiest single instance of racial carnage in the Reconstruction era, the Colfax massacre taught many lessons, including the lengths to which some opponents of Reconstruction would go to regain their accustomed authority,” historian Eric Foner writes in Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877. “Among blacks in Louisiana, the incident was long remembered as proof that in any large confrontation, they stood at a fatal disadvantage.”

While the massacre made headlines across the country and 97 members of the white mob were indicted, in the end only nine men were charged of violating the Enforcement Acts of 1870 and 1871, sometimes known as the Klu Klux Klan Acts, intended to guarantee the rights of freedmen under the 14th and 15th Amendments. Lawyers for the victims believed that they had a better chance of bringing the ringleaders to justice in a federal court citing conspiracy convictions, instead of charging them with murder, which would have been tried in the heavily Democratic state courts. But the plan backfired. The defendants appealed, and when the case eventually came before the Supreme Court in 1876, the justices overturned the lower courts’ convictions, ruling that the Enforcement Acts applied only to actions by the state, not by individuals, Decker writes.

This ruling essentially neutered the federal government’s ability to prosecute hate crimes committed against African-Americans. Without the threat of being tried for treason in federal court, white supremacists now only had to look for legal loopholes and corrupt officials to continue targeting their victims, Gates reports. Meanwhile, principles of segregation were beginning to work their ways into law, with Plessy v. Ferguson officially codifying “separate but equal” just 20 years later.

The Colfax Massacre was more or less ignored until the 1920s, when local officials raised a monument honoring the three white men who died in the attack on the courthouse, which called the battle a “riot.” In 1951, officials marked the site of the massacre with a plaque, once again calling it a riot that “marked the end of carpetbag misrule in the South.” The plaque still stands to this day.

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The plaque installed at the site of the Colfax Massacre in 1951. (Billy Hathorn via Wikimedia Commons)
 

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In a small Louisiana town, two monuments to white supremacy stand on public ground

Two monuments commemorating a Reconstruction-era fight for white supremacy stand on public property in a majority-black town in central Louisiana, the only markers to an 1873 riot that killed 150 African Americans.

And, despite Confederate statues coming down across the country, markers in Colfax seem destined to stay for a while.

A state-funded marker on the courthouse square, put up in 1950, notes the “Colfax Riot” and says it ended “carpetbag misrule in the South.”

In the city cemetery a few blocks away, a large, white obelisk towers above the other graves and commemorates three white men who died “fighting for white supremacy.”

Ossie Clark, the mayor of the town of 1,500 people, doesn’t object so much to the monuments standing, but instead would like to see a different portrayal of the history.

“It really should say massacre,” Clark told the Southern Poverty Law Center.

Pine trees and poor people
Colfax is the seat of Grant Parish, a nearly four-hour drive from New Orleans, through Cajun country then northwest into the piney woods of central Louisiana. It’s a long way from the tourist meccas of the Bayou State into an area known historically for logging. Now, about a third of the parish sits inside the Kisatchie National Forest.

Grant Parish, named for former U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant, is 85 percent white, 12 percent black and overwhelmingly poor; the per capita income for the parish was $14,410. About 21.5 percent of the population lives below the poverty line.

And the parish seat, Colfax, named for Grant’s vice president, Schuyler Colfax, is racially almost a mirror image to the parish at large – 68 percent black and 30 percent white.

The city is also quite poor, with the per capita income for the town at just $10,155. About 41 percent of the population lives below the poverty line.

Colfax, like many small, Southern towns, is split by railroad tracks. Clark identified the tracks as the marker between the historically white and historically black sections of the city.

The massacre took place on the white side of town, near where the markers now stand.

“It used to be said that only white people could be buried in the city cemetery,” Clark said. “That’s not true. It was never true, but that’s what was believed for a long time.”

The Colfax massacre
After the 1872 gubernatorial election in Louisiana, an all-black militia took control of the Grant Parish Courthouse, fearing that white Democrats would try to take over the local government of a parish evenly divided between blacks and whites.

In response, a group of white Democrats, including former Confederate soldiers and Ku Klux Klansmen, armed with rifles and a small cannon surrounded the courthouse.

They overpowered the predominantly black state militia and a group of Republican freedmen, forcing a surrender.

Most of the freedmen were subsequently killed; nearly 50 were executed later that night after being held as prisoners for several hours.

Estimates of the number of black people killed range from 62 to more than 150 (the number the state uses).

The exact figure is unknown because many of the bodies were thrown into the nearby Red River or hauled away for burial, possibly at mass graves in the area.

Three white men – James West Hadnot, Stephen Decatur Parish and Sidney Harris – were killed.

Those three are memorialized on the monument in the city cemetery and the state highway sign outside the parish courthouse.

There is no similar marker for the black citizens who were killed.

Historian Eric Foner called the Colfax massacre “the bloodiest single instance of racial carnage in the Reconstruction era.”

“Among blacks in Louisiana, the incident was long remembered as proof that in any large confrontation, they stood at a fatal disadvantage,” Foner wrote in Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877

Teaching points
How long will the Colfax markers that honor white supremacy and an end to “carpetbag misrule” stand?

Similar, less overtly white supremacist statues and monuments have come down across the country.

In Memphis, statues of Confederate President Jefferson Davis and former Confederate General Nathan Bedford Forrest, an early Ku Klux Klan leader, were removed after the city sold the parks where they stood to a private entity.

Memorials to Davis, Confederate generals Robert E. Lee and P.G.T. Beauregard came down in New Orleans amid protests and lawsuits.

And, that city’s Liberty Monument, which once stood near the Mississippi River, is also now gone. The memorial marked the Battle of Liberty Place, an 1874 attempt by Democratic White League paramilitary organizations to take control of the government of Louisiana from its Reconstruction Era Republican leadership after a disputed gubernatorial election.

It became a rallying cry for white supremacist David Duke, who called it a symbol of “white pride.”

The memorials in Colfax have not drawn similar attention.

“It’s not a point of contention,” said Clark, who doubles as a teacher and coach at Grant Parish Junior High in nearby Dry Prong.

Messages left for the Louisiana Lieutenant Governor’s office, which oversees tourism, and the state Department of Transportation inquiring about the monuments were not returned.

While Clark would like to see the language changed on the markers, he doesn’t want them taken down.

Instead, Clark would like the markers and massacre to become a teaching point about local history and race relations, particularly given the rise of white nationalism and white supremacy on the current political landscape.

“You don’t spend a lot of time on it in school,” Clark said of ugly historical moments such as the massacre. “It’s not taught by most parents today.”

Leave the markers, Clark said. Let others learn from the mistakes of the past.

“I really wish the people in this town would come together and have a conversation,” Clark said. “I’m always hopeful.”
 
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