the mechanic
Greasy philosophy
http://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/l/l3Bguk/RELIGHOM.pdf
Aside from the obvious killing that the religious do like sacrifices,crusades and j!hads they are also more likely to murder
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Aside from the obvious killing that the religious do like sacrifices,crusades and j!hads they are also more likely to murder
How little yall value life...The view that religion might play a role in encouraging
homicide has a long history, beginning with Durkheim=s classic
study of suicide over a century ago (1897). Although Durkheim
is best known for his argument that religious integration
inhibits suicide, he proposed a contrary argument for
homicide. Depicting homicide as “a violent act inseparable
from passion,” he proposed that passionate attachment to 5
religious group life encouraged homicide (1951 edition: 340).
The fact that he emphasized “passion” in his explanation
suggests that his argument might not apply to all forms of
religiosity.
The view that religious variables can have negative
consequences was highlighted most recently in an article by
Gregory Paul (2005). In an analysis of eighteen “prosperous
nations,” Paul reports positive relationships between a
variety of measures of religiosity and homicide rates as well
as other social problems. He concludes that secular nations
have lower homicide rates and less serious social problems
than found in the United States. His conclusions were based on
an examination of scatter-plots for a small set of nations
with no attempt to consider alternative explanations nor to
encompass the research in the larger body of sociological
theory and research on the topic.
Much of the literature suggests that certain forms of
religiosity are likely to contribute to high rates of
homicide, and a far more complex assessment of that issue
should be part of that future research. It seems reasonable to
expand on Kimball=s perspective to propose that when the moral
and religious universe encompassing individuals involves
cosmic struggles between benevolent and malevolent forces,
moral struggles between “good guys” and “bad-guys,” and
dichotomous choices between good or evil, then there is little
or no inclination to consider any middle ground, negotiation,
or flexibility in dealing with lesser conflicts and struggles
in everyday life. It may be that a religious cosmology with
moral “wars” and “dueling deities” sets the stage for culture
wars (Hunter 1991), facilitates interpersonal wars, and
encourages people in conflict to think in terms of dueling
contenders for righteousness. When moral boundaries are rigid,
it may be easier to offend or “dis”@ others and harder to
assume a personal responsibility for generating conflict. When
there is only good and evil and there has to be a clear moral
winner or immoral loser, then the options for controlling
violent outcomes may be greatly restricted.
As summarized in Table 3, the high dualist nations have
the highest homicide score followed by the lesser dualist
nations with God-Only and secular nations exhibiting lower
scores. However, the statistically significant contrast is
between the dualist nations and the God-Only and secular
nations. Relative to dualist nations, nations with a sizeable
percentage believing in God (but not the Devil) have a
significantly lower score. The most secular nations exhibit a
significantly lower score than dualist nations as well. But,
contrary to Paul=s emphasis on secular versus religious
nations, there is no difference between the non-dualist, God
believing nations, and the relatively more secular nations.
These patterns are quite consistent with the multivariate
analysis reported above. Some features of religious belief
systems are negative correlates of homicide and some features
of religion are positive correlates.
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