RUSSIA/РОССИЯ THREAD—ASSANGE CHRGD W/ SPYING—DJT IMPEACHED TWICE-US TREASURY SANCTS KILIMNIK AS RUSSIAN AGNT

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'A very different world' - inside the Czech spying operation on Trump
Luke HardingMon 29 Oct 2018 06.00 GMT
Exclusive: files reveal Trump was the target of an extensive spying operation in the late 1980s by the country’s intelligence service, with ‘friends’ from the KGB

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Donald and Ivana Trump during the funeral of her father, Miloš Zelníček, in 1990 in Zlín. Photograph: AP
The three visitors from the eastern bloc looked somewhat incongruous as they stood in front of Trump Tower. It was September 1989. Leading the delegation was František Čuba, a bulky and bespectacled figure, the chairman of Czechoslovakia’s showcase model farm. With him were his deputy Miroslav Kovařík and the farm’s communist party boss, Pavel Čmolík.

The trio walked into the gleaming lobby and took the lift up to the executive floor. Their meeting was with Donald J Trump. For the men from behind the Iron Curtain, Trump was a celebrity capitalist. He was also, we now know, the target of an extensive spying operation conducted by Czechoslovakia’s Státní bezpečnost (StB) intelligence service – together with “friends” from the KGB.

The StB had been interested in Trump since 1977, when he married a Czechoslovak-born woman, Ivana Zelníčková. News of the wedding reached the StB bureau in Zlín, the town in Moravia where Ivana grew up and where her parents lived. Ivana’s father Miloš regularly gave the StB information on his daughter’s visits from the US and his son-in-law’s burgeoning career.

The StB’s work on Donald and Ivana intensified in the late 1980s, after Trump let it be known he was thinking of running for president. The StB’s first foreign department sat up. Inside the Soviet bloc, Czechoslovakia’s spies were reputed to be skilled professionals, competent and versatile English-speakers who were a match for the CIA and MI6.


Čuba was on a 14-day business trip to Brazil, the US and Canada. Trump, who had recently launched his Trump Shuttle, appears to have told his guests to buy a Sikorski helicopter, possibly from him and used by his airline for short hops. Čuba invited Trump to visit the farm, Slušovice. Trump reportedly agreed.

We know this because of a two-page write-up of the encounter based on details supplied by agent Jarda. Jarda was one of four StB collaborators who spied on the Trumps during the cold war. Jarda’s real name was Jaroslav Jansa. It’s unclear if Jansa was present in New York, or learned of the visit once the official delegation flew home.

Now aged 74, and living in an apartment bloc on the outskirts of Prague, Jansa is reluctant to talk about his past. When the Guardian and the Czech magazine Respektknocked on his door, he refused to open it. In an email, he said he was tired and wanted to be left in peace. He added: “You are trying to put me in the tomb.”

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The StB security file of Jaroslav Jansa who spied on Donald Trump in 1980’s while he was married to Ivana. Photograph: StB
‘A very different world’
Jansa’s shadow career began in summer 1986, when he met an StB officer in the town of Vsetín, files reveal. After a meal in the box-like Vsacan hotel, Jansa agreed to become a secret collaborator. Regular meetings followed. They were noted in an agent file. He got modest amounts of cash – on one occasion, 29 crowns ($5-$7).

Jansa was one of tens of thousands of informers in the ČSSR, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. He spoke five languages, had a scientific background and was head of foreign cooperation at Slušovice. This meant he came into contact with prestige visitors including congressional delegations from Washington and foreign TV crews.

The StB’s records are a window into a vanished age. As well as Trump, Jansa spied on an American diplomat based at the embassy in Vienna, James Freckmann. Jansa drove regularly to west Germany and Heidelberg. His handlers told him to befriend Americans and to look out for US military convoys. If challenged, he was to deny he was a spy.

Jansa set out to make western contacts, and came back with business cards. One of them belonged to an American graduate researcher, Gary Geipel, who was writing a thesis on communist east Germany’s technology policy. He thinks he may have met Jansa in 1987 or 1988 during a visit to the Leipzig trade fair.

“It was a very different world. It’s hard to imagine the level of mutual distrust that existed,” Geipel said. “The assumption was that any American interested in IT was working for the CIA.” After the fall of the Berlin Wall, Geipel discovered the Stasi had spied on him too – and had visited his relatives in east Germany, bringing flowers.

He added: “Trump was married to someone of Czech origin. He was a prominent figure in an adversary society. It would be natural for them to have contact with him. I went to graduate school in Columbia. You could not be unaware of Donald Trump in 1980s New York.”

Jansa’s New York report was added to a bulging Trump file. It joined earlier secret documents, some of them recording little more than family gossip. In November 1979 Ivana Trump went back to Czechoslovakia, bringing her two-year-old son, Donald Jr, with her. Her parents, Miloš and Marie Zelníček, picked her up at Prague airport.

The StB discovered that Ivana was no longer a model and was now “helping her husband in his business activities” – designing the interiors of Trump-financed buildings. Donald Jr had two nannies – one American, one Swiss – and had recently fractured his leg. And: “Her husband is connected to the election campaign of the current US president [Jimmy] Carter”.

The StB’s source was Ivana’s father. The note, typed up by Lt Josef Knopp, said the agency would give Mrs Trump “operational attention” during her stay in Zlín. Intriguingly, it was copied to the 23rd section of the first directorate in Prague, which was responsible for running “illegals”, or deep-cover agents abroad. Its most famous asset, Karl Koecher, was embedded inside the CIA.:ohhh::ohhh::ohhh::ohhh:

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Secret police files on Ivana Trump at the Security Service Archive in Prague, Czech Republic. Photograph: Petr David Josek/AP
Eight years later, Miloš Zelníček was still briefing the StB, though by now Trump was a person of major interest. When Ivana visited in October 1988, Zelníček passed on her tip that George HW Bush would win November’s presidential election. He did, leading the StB to “deepen” its activity and to try and exploit Trump’s proximity to the “highest echelons of US power”.

It’s unclear to what degree the KGB and StB shared or coordinated Trump material. The two spy agencies worked closely together, signing cooperation agreements in 1972 and October 1986. The KGB was always the dominant partner – it would have closely monitored Trump when he and Ivana visited the USSR in summer 1987, following a Kremlin invitation.

According to Kieran Williams, a professor of political science at Drake University, the StB’s chief concern was with dissidents and emigres living in the west. It was keen to “shut up enemies” including journalists working for Radio Free Europe. It also wanted to stop the flow into Czechoslovakia of samizdat and tamizdat – literature banned by the state.

“Ivana was unusual in that she had achieved a status in US society. You therefore try and get information on her,” Williams said. “But she was never politically active and I don’t think there was a long-term goal here. It was purely opportunistic. I don’t think there was any strategy to compromise Trump. If anyone was going to do this it would be the Soviets.”


Williams said the StB’s first directorate – like its elite KGB counterpart – was highly trained and competitive. Its attention to Trump post-1988 was signifiant.

“There was more buzz about Trump’s political ambitions after the election,” he said, adding that the first directorate’s involvement was “a big step-up”.

“They were looking at a long-term operation,” he said.

This was curtailed, however, by the dramatic and sudden collapse of the communist bloc. This happened in November 1989, soon after the Slušovice representatives met Trump on Fifth Avenue. Their plan to forge relationships with “large capitalist firms” fell into history’s dustbin. The StB kept the identities of its informants secret by burning many files.

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František Čuba, the the chairman of Czechoslovakia’s showcase model farm, met with Trump in Trump Tower in 1989. Photograph: Respekt Magazine
‘A forceful personality’
Trump eventually made it to Slušovice. According to Čuba, the collective farm sent its small twin-engine plane to collect the Trump family from Prague airport and to take them to Zlín. The event, in November 1990, was a sad one: the funeral of Ivana’s father. One of the mourners was Jansa, the secret collaborator, who stood 100 metres away from the Trumps.

During the same trip, Čuba says, he showed Trump his collective’s biotech and electronic operations. By this point the farm – given unprecedented entrepreneurial freedom in communist times – was bereft of purpose. “He was a forceful personality,” Čuba said of Trump. Čuba’s colleagues Kovařík and Čmolík are both dead, one murdered, the other killed in the 1990s in a car accident.

None of the StB intelligence officers who spied on the Trumps for more than a decade appear to have suffered much in the transition to democracy. Vlastimil Daněk – the local Gottwaldov StB chief – was known as a hardliner who jailed and persecuted dissidents. He now lives peacefully in retirement, in a pleasant house with a front garden and a satellite dish.

“It’s the past. I would like to forget,” he said.

 
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Trump Persuaded Struggling People to Invest in Scams, Lawsuit Says
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President Trump at Joint Base Andrews, Md., on Saturday.CreditCreditDoug Mills/The New York Times
By Maggie Haberman and Benjamin Weiser

  • Oct. 29, 2018
A new lawsuit accuses President Trump, his company and three of his children of using the Trump name to entice vulnerable people to invest in sham business opportunities.

Filed in federal court in Manhattan on Monday, the lawsuit comes just days before the midterm elections, raising questions about whether its timing is politically motivated. It is being underwritten by a nonprofit whose chairman has been a donor to Democratic candidates.


The allegations take aim at the heart of Mr. Trump’s personal narrative that he is a successful deal-maker who built a durable business, charging he and his family lent their name to a series of scams.

The 160-page complaint alleges that Mr. Trump and his family received secret payments from three business entities in exchange for promoting them as legitimate opportunities, when in reality they were get-rich-quick schemes that harmed investors, many of whom were unsophisticated and struggling financially.


Those business entities were ACN, a telecommunications marketing company that paid Mr. Trump millions of dollars to endorse its products; the Trump Network, a vitamin marketing enterprise; and the Trump Institute, which the suit said offered “extravagantly priced multiday training seminars” on Mr. Trump’s real estate “secrets.”

The four plaintiffs, who were identified only with pseudonyms like Jane Doe, depict the Trump Organization as a racketeering enterprise that defrauded thousands of people for years as the president turned from construction to licensing his name for profit. The suit also names Donald Trump Jr., Ivanka Trump and Eric Trump as defendants.


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Roberta Kaplan, one of the lawyers whose firm is representing the anonymous plaintiffs in the suit against President Trump filed Monday in New York.CreditDamon Winter/The New York Times
A White House spokeswoman for Mr. Trump and two lawyers for the Trump Organization did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

The suit is not the first to accuse Mr. Trump of fraud. Shortly after his election in November 2016, he agreed to pay $25 million to settle a series of lawsuits, including one by New York State’s attorney general, that alleged unscrupulous practices by Trump University, another venture that claimed to sell access to his real estate secrets. Mr. Trump settled without acknowledging fault or liability, his lawyer said at the time.

And in June, the New York attorney general’s office filed a lawsuit seeking to dissolve the Donald J. Trump Foundation, claiming the charity had engaged in self-dealing and other violations. The foundation’s lawyers called the suit a political attack.

But the new suit alleges “a pattern of racketeering activity” involving three other organizations. Roberta A. Kaplan and Andrew G. Celli Jr., two lawyers for the plaintiffs, said in a statement that they were not aware of “any prior case against the Trumps alleging consumer fraud on this scale.”

“This case connects the dots at the Trump Organization and involves systematic fraud that spanned more than a decade, involved multiple Trump businesses and caused tremendous harm to thousands of hardworking Americans,” the statement said.

Asked about the suit’s timing, Ms. Kaplan and Mr. Celli said their firms — Kaplan, Hecker & Fink and Emery, Celli, Brinckerhoff & Abady — had conducted a lengthy investigation and the plaintiffs were eager to file. “The case is being brought now because it is ready now,” the lawyers said.

The lawyers said a nonprofit organization, the Tesseract Research Center, was funding the lawsuit by paying attorney’s fees and costs.

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The lawyer Andrew G. Celli Jr. dismissed the claim that the timing of the lawsuit, so close to the election, was political. “The case is being brought now because it is ready now,” he said.CreditPool photo by Skip dikkstein
Morris Pearl, the Democratic donor who is the nonprofit’s chairman, said in a statement that his organization hoped to draw attention to the challenges faced by people who sustain losses but cannot seek redress through the courts “ because of the extreme wealth and power on the other side.”

The lawyers said they were asking the court to allow the plaintiffs to proceed using pseudonyms because of “serious and legitimate security concerns given the heated political environment.” The lawyers also declined to make their clients available for interviews.

The four plaintiffs each invested in ACN after watching promotional videos featuring Mr. Trump.

According to the lawsuit, ACN required investors to pay $499 to sign up to sell its products, like a videophone and other services, with the promise of additional profits if they recruited others to join.

Mr. Trump described the phone in an ACN news release as “amazing” but failed to disclose he was being “paid lavishly for his endorsement,” the suit says.

One plaintiff, a hospice worker from California identified as “Jane Doe,” decided to join ACN in 2014 after attending a recruitment meeting at a Los Angeles hotel where she listened to speakers and watched Mr. Trump on video extol the investment opportunity.

For her, the video was the “turning point,” the lawsuit said.

“Doe believed that Trump had her best interests at heart,” the suit said.

Jane Doe then signed up for a larger ACN meeting in Palm Springs, Calif., which cost almost $1,500, and she later spent thousands more traveling to conventions in Cleveland and Detroit, according to the suit.

In the end, she earned $38 — the only income she would ever receive from the company, the suit said.

Follow Maggie Haberman on Twitter: @maggieNYT. Follow Benjamin Weiser on Twitter: @benweisernyt.

Susan Beachy contributed research.

Subscribe to The New York Times.
 
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