RUSSIA/РОССИЯ THREAD—ASSANGE CHRGD W/ SPYING—DJT IMPEACHED TWICE-US TREASURY SANCTS KILIMNIK AS RUSSIAN AGNT

mastermind

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These senators aren't stupid. The American public has to stop giving corrupt and evil people a pass by calling them stupid so they can feel better about being shyt on by the so called "morons." This is just Zuck getting a lecture for losing control of his company and creating a public backlash. These "grillings" are for publicity.
No shyt

It was just grandstanding. But these old fukks have no idea about technology and the impact it has.

You can be grandstanding yet have no idea what you are talking about. Trump does it everyday.

There will be no legislative action done because of this hearing and because of Cambridge Analytica.
 

mastermind

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Sometimes ignorance is bliss. Because as someone who has read the Guardian's and NYT's extensive reporting on Cambridge, it's sickening to see none of the Senators cite those reports. These Senators and Committee's have 100s of staff members whose job is essentially to keep their bosses informed and prepared. So their is no excuse for this performance today. This is by design.
Exactly

They aren’t interested in technology or cyber security. We are in a lot of trouble. Hey
 

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Manhattan Federal Prosecutor Recuses Himself from Cohen Probe

Manhattan Federal Prosecutor Recuses Himself from Cohen Probe
Former SEC enforcement head to lead investigation after Geoffrey Berman stands down
By
Erica Orden and
Nicole Hong
April 10, 2018 6:37 p.m. ET
im-6588

The deputy U.S. attorney, Robert Khuzami, whom Mr. Berman hired upon taking office in January, previously worked as a partner at law firm Kirkland & Ellis LLP and led the enforcement division of the Securities and Exchange Commission during the Obama administration. He also spent 12 years as a Manhattan federal prosecutor, including as chief of the securities fraud unit.

It is unclear why Mr. Berman stepped back from the Cohen matter, but some legal experts have suggested that Mr. Berman’s involvement could have appeared improper, given his potential nomination by Mr. Trump to a permanent job in the post.

In 2016, Mr. Berman donated $2,700 to Mr. Trump’s presidential campaign, according to public records. Former federal prosecutors say it isn’t uncommon or considered improper for U.S. attorney candidates to have made political donations.

Even with Mr. Berman’s recusal, the investigation of Mr. Cohen, a broad inquiry that includes questions about a payment he made to a former porn star shortly before the 2016 election to conceal her alleged affair with Mr. Trump, has escalated the uncertainty around the leadership of one of the most prestigious prosecutors’ offices in the nation.

Mr. Berman holds the job as a temporary post—with a term that ends early next month. With the expiration date approaching, the White House had been facing a deadline to nominate someone permanent to occupy the position.

Now, in the wake of the multiple FBI raids executed Monday on the Manhattan office, home and hotel room of Mr. Cohen, the White House confronts an even more complex future for that job, with a series of legal technicalities hanging over who will inherit it.

Mr. Berman, a former law partner of White House ally and former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, was appointed to the role at the Manhattan U.S. attorney’s office on an interim basis in January by Attorney General Jeff Sessions for a term of 120 days, a period that ends in early May.

Before the 120-day mark, the White House could nominate Mr. Berman or another person to the post on a permanent basis, a move that would trigger the Senate confirmation process. But the White House has no plans to do so, according to a person familiar with the matter, in part because Mr. Berman’s candidacy is opposed by New York’s two senators, Chuck Schumer and Kirsten Gillibrand, both Democrats.

Asked on Tuesday if Mr. Trump intends to nominate Mr. Berman, White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders said, “I don’t have any personnel announcements on that front.”

Both Mr. Schumer and Ms. Gillibrand have indicated that they harbor concerns over Mr. Berman because he personally interviewed with the Republican president before receiving the appointment, according to people familiar with their thinking.

Should the 120-day period expire without White House or Justice Department action, the district court has the power to appoint the U.S. attorney. If the federal court in Manhattan decides to exercise this authority, the district judges would convene and vote on whom to appoint, according to a spokesman for the U.S. District Court in Manhattan.

In recent weeks, the chief judge of the district, Colleen McMahon, has indicated that she would support reappointing Mr. Berman to the role, according to a person familiar with the matter. And if the court convenes a vote, it is likely to do so as well, according to legal experts.

If the court backs Mr. Berman, he would remain in the job indefinitely until Mr. Trump makes a formal nomination of either him or another candidate, according to Stephen Gillers, a professor of legal ethics at New York Univers
ity.

Mr. Gillers said the FBI raid, along with Mr. Trump’s reaction to it, “raises the urgency” for the court to reappoint Mr. Berman and provide him with a level of protection and independence.

The 93 U.S. attorneys around the country are the chief federal law-enforcement officials in their district. Although they’re nominated by and serve at the pleasure of the president, each U.S. attorney is supposed to be free from interference by the White House.

That is especially the case in the Manhattan U.S. attorney’s office. Known as the Southern District of New York, the office’s independence from Washington has long earned it the nickname the “Sovereign District of New York.” Prior U.S. attorneys in the office include former FBI Director James Comey, former SEC Chairwoman Mary Jo White and Mr. Giuliani.

Most recently, Preet Bharara was fired from the post last year, after he refused a request by the Justice Department for the remaining U.S. attorneys appointed by President Barack Obama to resign.

Write to Erica Orden at erica.orden@wsj.com and Nicole Hong at nicole.hong@wsj.com


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TRUMP TRIED TO FIRE MUELLER OVER DEUTSCHE BANK INVESTIGATIONS









Trump Sought to Fire Mueller in December
April 10, 2018
merlin_135547254_b191a625-c919-4ec1-950b-36276fba8322-articleLarge.jpg

Robert S. Mueller III, then the director of the F.B.I., in June 2013 during a House Judiciary Committee hearing.J. Scott Applewhite/Associated Press
In early December, President Trump, furious over news reports about a new round of subpoenas from the office of the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, told advisers in no uncertain terms that Mr. Mueller’s investigation had to be shut down.

The president’s anger was fueled by reports that the subpoenas were for obtaining information about his business dealings with Deutsche Bank, according to interviews with eight White House officials, people close to the president and others familiar with the episode. To Mr. Trump, the subpoenas suggested that Mr. Mueller had expanded the investigation in a way that crossed the “red line” he had set last year in an interview with The New York Times.

In the hours that followed Mr. Trump’s initial anger over the Deutsche Bank reports, his lawyers and advisers worked quickly to learn about the subpoenas, and ultimately were told by Mr. Mueller’s office that the reports were not accurate, leading the president to back down.

Mr. Trump’s quick conclusion that the erroneous news reports warranted firing Mr. Mueller is also an insight Mr. Trump’s state of mind about the special counsel. Despite assurances from leading Republicans like Speaker Paul D. Ryan that the president has not thought about firing Mr. Mueller, the December episode was the second time Mr. Trump is now known to have considered taking that step. The other instance was in June, when the White House counsel, Donald F. McGahn II, threatened to quit unless Mr. Trump stopped trying to get him to fire Mr. Mueller.

The December episode, which has never been publicly reported, has new resonance following the disclosure on Monday that F.B.I. agents had carried out search warrants at the office and hotel room of Mr. Trump’s personal lawyer, Michael D. Cohen. In that action, the Justice Department seems to have walked directly up to — if not crossed — Mr. Trump’s red line by examining something that seems unrelated to Russia.

Among the documents the agents sought were some related to two women who said they had affairs with Mr. Trump, and information related to the role of the publisher of The National Enquirer in silencing one of the women.

After learning about the raid, the president again erupted in anger. He told reporters that federal authorities had “broke in to the office” and he called it “a disgraceful situation” and “a total witch hunt.”

When Mr. Trump told Mr. McGahn in June to have Mr. Mueller fired, the president cited a series of conflict-of-interest issues that he insisted disqualified the special counsel from overseeing the investigation. Among the issues Mr. Trump cited was a dispute Mr. Mueller had with Mr. Trump’s Washington-area golf course years earlier. Mr. Trump told Mr. McGahn to tell Rod J. Rosenstein, the deputy attorney general and Mr. Mueller’s superior, that the time for Mr. Mueller to go had come.

Mr. McGahn believed those issues were not grounds for Mr. Mueller to be fired and refused to call the Justice Department.

Over the next couple of days, Mr. Trump pestered Mr. McGahn about the firing, but Mr. McGahn would not tell Mr. Rosenstein. The badgering by the president got so bad that Mr. McGahn wrote a resignation letter and was prepared to quit. It was only after Mr. McGahn made it known to senior White House officials that he was going to resign that Mr. Trump backed down.

The articles that provoked Mr. Trump’s anger in December — which were published by Bloomberg, The Wall Street Journal and Reuters — said one of Mr. Mueller’s subpoenas had targeted Mr. Trump’s and his family’s banking records at Deutsche Bank. Mr. Trump’s lawyers, who have studied Mr. Trump’s bank accounts, did not believe the articles were accurate because Mr. Trump did not have his money there.

The lawyers were also able to learn that federal prosecutors in a different inquiry had issued a subpoena for entities connected to the family business of Mr. Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. The news outlets later clarified the articles, saying that the subpoena to Deutsche Bank pertained to people affiliated with Mr. Trump, who was satisfied with the explanation and dropped his push to fire Mr. Mueller.

The White House did not respond to an email seeking comment.

Acutely conscious of the threat Mr. Mueller’s investigation poses, Mr. Trump has openly discussed ways to shut it down. Each time, he has been convinced by his lawyers and advisers that taking the step would only exacerbate his problems. In some cases, they have explained to Mr. Trump how anything that causes him to lose support from congressional Republicans could further imperil his presidency.

But Mr. Trump’s statements to his advisers have been significant enough to attract attention from Mr. Mueller himself. Mr. Mueller’s investigators have interviewed current and former White House officials and have requested documents to understand whether these efforts show evidence the president is trying to obstruct the Justice Department’s investigation, according to two people briefed on the matter.

Mr. Trump’s frustrations have tended to flare up in response to developments in the news, especially accounts of appearances of witnesses, whom Mr. Trump feels were unfairly and aggressively approached by investigators. They include his former communications director, Hope Hicks, and his former campaign manager, Corey Lewandowski.

The venting has usually been dismissed by his advisers, many of whom insist they have come to see the statements less as direct orders than as simply how the president talks, and that he often does not follow up on his outbursts.

One former adviser said that people had become conditioned to wait until Mr. Trump had raised an issue at least three times before acting on it. The president’s diatribes about Attorney General Jeff Sessions, Mr. Rosenstein and the existence of the special counsel have, for most of the White House aides, become a dependable part of the fabric of life working for this president.

Nicole Hong at nicole.hong@wsj.com


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