RUSSIA/РОССИЯ THREAD—ASSANGE CHRGD W/ SPYING—DJT IMPEACHED TWICE-US TREASURY SANCTS KILIMNIK AS RUSSIAN AGNT

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PART 2:

Trump&Sons.jpg

RISING SONS: Donald Trump on the presidential campaign trail with his sons Eric, far left, and Donald Jr. in 2015. REUTERS/Brian Snyder
Nogueira said that one video was commissioned by him. Ivanka helped arrange access to Trump Tower in New York for some sequences. “In this video we made, I was talking and she was talking.”

When the Spanish-language TV channel Univision, in an article published in 2011, first noted Nogueira’s role in the Trump project, Eric Trump responded that Nogueira had been an unaffiliated salesman. “I looked and I’ve never heard the name, nor does it appear in our database. What I found out was [Nogueira] owns a real estate agency in Panama that sells apartments in our building as a third party,” he told the channel.

Asked this month about Eric Trump’s statement in response to the Univision report, the Trump Organization said the company never had any ties to Nogueira or awareness of him.

Despite being a third party, Nogueira and his partners played a major part in the Trump project’s success, according to interviews with former key staff at Homes, developers, investors and lawyers, and an analysis of Panama corporate records and other public documents.

Homes accounted for up to half of the 666 apartment sales in advance of the bond prospectus, people involved in the project told Reuters.

Eleanora Michailov, a Russian who settled in Canada, was Nogueira’s international sales director. She recalled that Nogueira handled the sale of a third of the building, about 200 apartments. Another Homes sales agent, Jenny Levy, a relative by marriage to the developer, Khafif, said she alone sold 30 apartments.

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PANAMA PLAYERS: Eric Trump, Ivanka Trump, Nelson Padilla (a colleague of Alexandre Ventura Nogueira), Donald Jr. Trump and Nogueira in the offices of the Ocean Club developer in Panama City. The photograph was obtained from Nogueira, who did not identify the photographer.
“We sold half the building, baby! Homes sold half,” Levy said in a phone interview. Nogueira said that he and his agents across the world sold between 350 to 400 apartment and hotel units.

Khafif, president and co-owner of the developer, Newland, said he was unsure of the exact number, but Nogueira had probably sold up to 300 units. “Everybody was lining up to work with him ... During those days he was the hottest real estate agency in town,” he said.

Homes found a ready market in Russia. “Russians like to show off,” said Khafif, who went on several sales trips to Moscow. “For them, Trump was the Bentley” of real estate brands.

Michailov said investors in the Ocean Club were asked to pay 10 percent up front for one of the apartments; she said the average price was about $350,000. Buyers had to pay a total of 30 percent within a year, according to the bond prospectus, and Homes organized the investment by setting up Panamanian companies for customers to enter pre-sales agreements with Khafif’s company, Newland.

In 2006 and 2007, Panama corporate records show, at least 131 holding companies with various combinations of the words “Trump” and “Ocean” in their name – for example, the Trump Ocean 1806 Investment Corp - were registered in Panama for pre-sales deals, and mostly by the Homes group.

In many cases the identity of the buyers was not clear. Nogueira and other Homes staff involved said Panamanian law at that time imposed no obligation to verify the identity of owners.

But listed as director of four Trump Ocean investment companies was Igor Anopolskiy, who in 2007 was Homes Real Estate’s representative in Kiev. Police records state he was arrested in March of that year for suspected people trafficking. Released a year later on bail, he was re-arrested in 2013, and in 2014 a Ukraine court handed Anopolskiy a five-year suspended jail sentence with three years probation for offenses including people smuggling and forgery, unrelated to the Trump project.

Interviewed in Kiev, Anopolskiy blamed the case on police corruption and denied committing any crime.

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GUESTS: Alexander Altshoul with Nelson Padilla, both business partners of Nogueira, at Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort in 2007. The photograph was provided by an associate of Nogueira, who did not identify the photographer.
It was a Colombian businessman named David Murcia Guzman who triggered Nogueira’s downfall. Murcia was indicted in November 2008 for money laundering, first in Colombia and then in the United States. Murcia was sentenced to nine years in prison in the United States for conspiracy to launder drug money. After serving six years, he is expected to be deported to Colombia, his attorney, Robert Abreu, said. Colombia’s government said Murcia will serve a 22-year prison term upon his return for offenses including money laundering.

Murcia did not get permission from U.S. authorities to respond to Reuters’ questions.

Within days of Murcia’s indictment, the spotlight turned to Nogueira. Roniel Ortiz, a former lawyer for both Nogueira and Murcia, said Nogueira had offered to wash Murcia’s money by buying apartments on his behalf. Murcia “could not take his money to a bank,” Ortiz said, so Nogueira “offered to see how he could help.”

Ortiz said he did not know how much, if any, of Murcia’s money was used in the Trump project. Nogueira said Murcia gave him $1 million to invest in Panamanian property, which Nogueira used to pay the deposit on up to ten Trump apartments among other investments. Nogueira added: “He was not a bad guy. I don’t believe everything in those charges was true.”

In 2013 Nogueira, in conversations secretly recorded by a former business partner, said he had performed money laundering as a service, moving tens of millions of dollars mainly through contacts in Miami and the Bahamas. “More important than the money from real estate was being able to launder the drug money – there were much larger amounts involved,” he said in the recording. “When I was in Panama I was regularly laundering money for more than a dozen companies.”

The recordings were heard by Reuters and authenticated by five people who know Nogueira.

Speaking to Reuters, Nogueira said he could not recall making such claims and denied laundering cash through the Trump project or handling drugs money. He said that later, after his real estate business had collapsed in 2009, he had been involved in handling cash from corrupt officials and politicians, and was involved in corrupt schemes to sell Panamanian visas.

THE RUSSIAN CONNECTION


In the story of Panama’s Trump Ocean Club, a high point for many of those involved was a warm, cloudless night in early 2007.

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PARTY PALACE: The Mar-a-Lago estate in Palm Beach, Florida, where Donald Trump held a party in 2007 for people involved in the Panama development that bears his name. REUTERS/Joe Skipper
The setting was Mar-a-Lago, Trump’s private club in Florida. Spilling out of Lamborghinis and Porsches onto the welcoming carpet were the sales people, clients and potential clients whose acumen and cash would make it possible – within a month – to break ground on the project’s building site in Panama City.

Entertained with drinks, music and jokes from American TV celebrity Regis Philbin, the guests got to meet and greet Trump and his children, Donald Jr., Eric and Ivanka. The event was organized to celebrate a successful sales campaign – and to solicit more sales.

The Trump Organization did not comment about the party. Philbin told Reuters he couldn’t recall the event because it was 10 years ago. “I used to be with him [Trump] a lot,” Philbin said. “I was good friends with him.”

Nogueira said he was at the party and there met Donald Trump for “the first and only time.” He recalled: “They introduced me and said, ‘That’s the guy selling Panama,’ and he thanked me. We just talked for two or three minutes.”

Besides Nogueira, the guests included people involved with the project as investors or salesmen, some of Russian or former Soviet Union origin. Among them, in the delegation from Homes and wearing a dark suit, was Alexander Altshoul, born in Belarus. “Russians like their brand names,” Altshoul told Reuters, explaining why investors were attracted to Trump. “The moment was right, they were speculating. Many people hoped to get profits.”








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☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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PART 3:

Panama struggles to escape its reputation as a haven for fraud

Ever since its dictator, Manuel Noriega, was captured by U.S. troops in 1989 and jailed for 30 years for drug trafficking, racketeering and money laundering, Panama has struggled to live down its reputation as a financial haven for the profits of crime.

The country has tried to boost legitimate income by developing tourism, banking reforms and a major refurbishment of its ocean-linking canal. The arrival of the globally recognized Trump brand, first with the staging of Miss Universe in 2003 and later with the opening of Ocean Club at a ceremony in 2011, marked a step along the road towards rehabilitation.

But there have been hiccups. Ricardo Martinelli, the country’s president from 2009 to 2014, who was called “my friend” by Trump at that at the opening of the Ocean Club, was arrested in Miami in June 2017 on an extradition warrant from Panama. He was alleged to have tapped the phones of opposition politicians and is facing multiple investigations for corruption. Martinelli has denied the charges, calling them politically motivated.

In a report out today, Global Witness, an anti-corruption watchdog, says that Panama in the 2000s presented particular challenges for property developers. “Although there was no requirement in Panamanian or U.S. law at that time that developers or licensors like Trump conduct due diligence on unit purchasers, any responsible businessperson who wanted to prevent money laundering should have ensured such checks took place,” the report says.

Altshoul, who holds Canadian citizenship, was listed on the Homes company website in 2007 as a “partner” and an “owner” of the firm. He became involved in Homes after moving to Panama from Toronto and investing with family and friends in the Trump project, paying deposits on 10 apartments and one hotel unit.

Among his partners in that investment, according to Altshoul and Panamanian corporate records, was a Muscovite named Arkady Vodovosov, a relative of Altshoul. In 1998, Vodovosov was sentenced to five years in prison in Israel for kidnap and threats to kill and torture, court records state.

Contacted by telephone, Vodovosov said inquiries about his involvement with the Trump project were nonsense. “We were in Panama for a very short time, and got out of there a long time ago,” he said, declining to answer further questions.

Altshoul attended the Mar-a-Lago party with another Homes partner, Stanislau Kavalenka, recalled people who were there. Kavalenka was also a Canadian émigré from the former Soviet Union.

At different times, Altshoul and Kavalenka each faced accusations of having connections to organized crime, but the charges were dropped. In Altshoul’s case, police in Toronto filed charges in April 2007, at the time he was promoting the Trump project. He was accused of involvement in a mortgage fraud scheme, unrelated to the Panama project, that involved sending funds through Latvia. The criminal case was dropped a year later.

In a statement, the Canadian government said it was “duty bound to withdraw charges where there is no reasonable prospect of conviction or if it is not in the public interest to proceed.” It did not elaborate further on the case. Altshoul said the decision showed he was innocent.

In 2004, Canadian prosecutors had accused Kavalenka of pimping and kidnapping Russian prostitutes. That case was dropped in 2005 after the alleged prostitutes, who were the main witnesses, did not show up in court. Kavalenka’s whereabouts are unknown. He did not respond to questions about his role in the Trump project sent to him through his family in Canada.

Nogueira said Altshoul and Kavalenka had joined Homes together, first as customers and later as partners. Altshoul told him he had had some difficulties “but they were solved, and it wasn’t my problem,” Nogueira said. Nogueira also said that after he read of Kavalenka’s Toronto case on Google, Kavalenka told him: “I was running some girls. That’s how I made money. But I was cleared.”

SOLD “LIKE HOT CAKES”

In the months after the Mar-a-Lago party, the prospects for everyone involved in the Trump Ocean Club looked rosy. In the midst of a global property boom and a successful pitch, sales had exceeded all expectations.

A bond prospectus was issued in November 2007, enabling the raising of construction funds. By the end of June that year, the prospectus declared, the project had “pre-sold approximately 64 percent of the building’s condominium and commercial units,” guaranteeing receipts on completion of the project of at least $278.7 million.

Trump said later, in a promotional video ahead of the 2011 opening, that the project sold “like hot cakes.”

But not all the money collected in the pre-sales campaign would go on to fund the project. Nine former business partners or employees of Nogueira interviewed by Reuters alleged that, at the Ocean Club and at other developments, Nogueira either failed to pass on all the deposits he collected to the project’s developers, or sometimes sold the same apartment to more than one client, with the result that, on completion of the project, some clients had no clear claim on a property.

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TRUMP HQ: The atrium inside Trump Tower in New York. Roger Khafif, the Panama developer, travelled to the tower to strike a licensing deal with Donald Trump. REUTERS/Mike Segar
Exactly how many apartments were double-sold is unknown. Michailov said up to 10 out of 80 apartments in the Trump tower that she had sold were also sold by Nogueira to others. Lawsuits in Panama and separate written complaints seen by Reuters record at least six instances of alleged fraud by Nogueira, in the Trump project and in other Panama construction projects. Two of the complaints seen by Reuters were in the “Panama Papers,” documents from a local law firm that were leaked to the Süddeutsche Zeitung and the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists.

Ortiz, the former lawyer for Murcia and Nogueira, said of the Trump-branded project: “When the building was completed and people arrived to seek out their apartments, they ran into each other - two, three people who were fighting for the same apartment.”

Complaints against Nogueira, including allegations of fraud in Trump Ocean Club sales, resulted in four criminal cases against him in Panama and culminated in his arrest on fraud charges in May 2009.


More Reuters investigations and long-form narratives


Nogueira said double-sales occurred because of changes in the building specifications or clerical error. He said he never deliberately sold an apartment twice. He said that not everyone lost money from their investments, and most who did lost out because of poor or unlucky investment decisions. “If you are looking to make easy money from speculation then you have to accept there is a risk,” he said.

Released on bail for $1.4 million, he continued to live in Panama until 2012 when, despite a ban on leaving the country, he fled to his native country, Brazil, before moving on again. Karen Kahn, a federal prosecutor based in Sao Paulo, said Nogueira is under a federal investigation for international money laundering, an inquiry triggered by several large bank transfers that arrived in his accounts from Panama.

Declining to disclose where he is living now, Nogueira agreed to meet Reuters and NBC News on November 13 at a neutral location, on condition it would not be revealed. Nogueira said an arrest warrant was outstanding against him in Panama. “Of course right now, I can be considered by the justice system to be fugitive. But there are two sides to everything.”

It wasn’t only alleged fraud that cost investors. After the global property crash of 2008, any chance of quick profit on the Trump Panama venture vanished.

By the time the Trump Ocean Club project was complete in 2011, many investors had withdrawn and lost their deposits rather than stump up the 70 percent balance. Bond holders lost, too, after Khafif’s company, Newland, defaulted on payments and the bond was restructured.

There was one person who still profited: Donald Trump.

Whatever the losses investors might suffer, under Trump’s licensing deal, detailed originally in the bond prospectus, the future U.S. president was guaranteed to receive payment. Court records from Newland’s bankruptcy in 2013 indicate Trump agreed to reduce his fee, but that he still earned between $30 million and $50 million from lending his name to the project.

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HIGH AND LOW LIFE: Panama City, the capital of the Republic of Panama. REUTERS/Carlos Jasso









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☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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:ALERTRED::ALERTRED::ALERTRED:




Papadopoulos claimed Trump phone call and larger campaign role
In interviews with a Greek newspaper last year, the former Trump campaign adviser boasted of conversations with Trump and a 'blank check' promise of a future U.S. government job.

JOSH MEYER11/17/2017 05:05 AM EST
George Papadopoulos claimed last year that Donald Trump telephoned him to discuss his new position as a foreign policy adviser to his presidential campaign and that the two had at least one personal introductory meeting that the White House has not acknowledged.

Papadopoulos also claimed that he’d been given a “blank check” to choose a senior Trump administration job and authorized to represent the candidate in overseas meetings with foreign leaders, and at a campaign event in New York.

Papadopoulos made the claims in several interviews with two Greek journalists during and after the 2016 election, one of whom detailed them for POLITICO. They contradict assertions by Trump, Attorney General Jeff Sessions and other Trump officials that Papadopoulos was a bit player in the campaign whom they barely remember.


One person close to Papadopoulos told POLITICO that his claims about personal interactions with Trump were untrue, but declined to elaborate. The two Greek journalists were skeptical as well, saying Papadopoulos was prone to self-promotional exaggeration. “Everyone knows I helped him [get] elected, now I want to help him with the presidency,” Papadopoulos said in one text message published by the newspaper.

But they also reported that Papadopolous reveled in the benefits of his newfound fame — at least in Greece — as an adviser to a major party nominee for the U.S. presidency. “He had acquired a new status in Athens,” wrote the newspaper, Kathimerini, which noted that Papadopoulos had been “bestowed with awards, wined and dined by prominent Athenians and even appointed to the judging committee of a beauty pageant on a Greek island.”

The true nature of Papadopoulos’s role on the campaign and relationship with Trump is important now that he has emerged as a key figure – and cooperating witness -- in special counsel Robert Mueller’s probe of Russian interference in the election. In court documents unsealed last month, Papadopoulos pleaded guilty to lying to federal agents about his communications with individuals claiming to represent the Russian government and who may have been trying to infiltrate or influence Trump’s campaign by offering him “dirt” and incriminating emails about rival Hillary Clinton.

Among Papadopoulos’s claims to a Kathimerini reporter and editor was that Trump called him personally in March 2016 after he had been tapped for Trump’s foreign policy advisory team. Papadopoulos said Trump him he had been recommended for the job by Trump’s former Republican primary rival, Ben Carson.

During an “informal” five-minute phone conversation, Trump made small talk and invited the young campaign aide to travel from his Chicago home to Washington to attend his March 21 campaign event at Trump’s still-unfinished Pennsylvania Avenue hotel several days later, said Marianna Kakaounaki, an investigative reporter for the well-regarded Greek language daily. It was there that Papadopoulos said he was personally introduced to the future president.

“When he left the race and supported Trump, [Carson] suggested that the young Greek-American join the team,” according to an English translation of Kakanouaki’s Dec. 11 2016 article.

Papadopoulos and Trump then had “a telephone appointment, which did not last for more than five minutes, but shortly before closing, the candidate then invited him to a speech,” the article explained.

The timing proved fortuitous for Papadopoulos, as March 21 was also the day Trump was asked to name his foreign policy advisers during a meeting with The Washington Post’s editorial board. Papadopoulos wasn’t just one of the five named by Trump, he was also the only one singled out with a personal endorsement.

“He's an energy and oil consultant,” Trump told the editorial board. “Excellent guy.”

From that day on, the two Kathimerini journalists would write in several articles, Papadopoulos exploited Trump’s personal endorsement, and his unpaid position on the National Security Advisory Committee, as much as possible.

Kakaounaki and her executive editor, Alexis Papachelas, were interested in tracking the apparent success of the young Greek-American campaign adviser and his potential influence on issues involving Greece and Greek-Americans.

Because some of their articles were for the Greek-language edition of the paper, they never reached a wider audience. And the journalists never published some key details of what he told them about his role on Trump’s campaign and presidential transition team. “My angle was always the Greek angle. This wasn’t part of my story,” Kakaounaki said in reference to Papadopoulos’ claimed interactions with Trump.

Trump officials have said that Trump only met Papadopoulos fleetingly as part of a large group of advisers who joined the president at a March 31 meeting of the advisory committee at his Washington hotel for what was mainly a photo opportunity. (In a puzzling twist, Papadopoulos insisted to Kakaounaki and Papachelas that the meeting — a photo of which Trump tweeted that day — actually occurred on the day they met: March 21, after Trump held a campaign event at the hotel.)

It was at that meeting that Papadopoulos pitched Trump on his ongoing efforts to set up a meeting with the candidate and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

After the Oct. 30 disclosure that Papadopoulos was cooperating with authorities, Trump tweeted that “few people knew the young, low-level volunteer named George, who has already proven to be a liar."

Papadopoulos' lawyer, Thomas Breen and Trump’s then-campaign manager, Corey Lewandowski, declined to comment about his claims. White House officials didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Sessions, who chaired the foreign policy advisory committee, at first denied remembering Papadopoulos’s comments at the meeting both men attended. But in his Tuesday testimony before the House Judiciary Committee he said that he recalled telling Papadopoulos not to pursue contacts with Russia.

In interviews with POLITICO, Kakaounaki portrayed Papadopoulos as a young man enjoying a heady moment of fame, particularly in his ancestral homeland.

“During our interview, I felt that he was probably lucky, having just met Trump in person and then Trump being interviewed and mentioning his name,” said Kakaounaki. “That mention opened a lot of Greek doors for him, and probably in other countries too.”

Papadopoulos agreed with that assessment in an interview with Kakaounaki, she said. “He acknowledged that he was lucky, because they [had] just met” when Trump gave him his personal endorsement.

Trump’s selection of the young and inexperienced Papadopoulos – along with another little-known energy consultant, Carter Page – followed months of criticism about his lack of national security expertise, but also struck foreign policy insiders as odd.

Trump’s glowing endorsement of Papadopoulos as an “excellent” guy was surprising given that Papadopoulos had just a few months experience as a volunteer adviser for Carson, and more so after reports that he had embellished his resume — including his role at the Model United Nations and as a research fellow at the conservative Hudson Institute.

Papadopoulos shared his different version of events with Kakaounaki and Papachelas over a period of several months, as they traveled through the U.S. last year to profile prominent Greek Americans working for the various campaigns.

After Trump went from dark horse to front-runner and ultimately president-elect, seeming to make Papadopoulos an influential Greek-American, Kakaounaki and Papachelas interviewed the Trump adviser in person, by phone and via text message.

They also interviewed him in Greece, where Papadopoulos traveled at least twice to meet with senior government officials, including President Prokopis Pavlopoulos, as a Trump representative.

Papadopoulos’ international travels are of interest to congressional investigators trying to understand the Russian influence operation in the U.S. and Trump associates’ potential roles in it, according to two sources familiar with those probes.

The House intelligence committee is interested in the Greek newspaper reports, as they provide a window into Papadopoulos’ activities and relationships with the campaign in real time.

“Obviously the committee is interested in the role that Papadopoulos played in the campaign, especially given the way that the White House has downplayed his role,” one committee source told POLITICO, noting that Papadopoulos still hadn’t provided testimony before it. “We certainly want to know about any meetings he had with senior campaign officials, including the President, about his travel abroad, and about any meetings he took part in with foreign counterparts or government officials.”

During his trips abroad during and after the campaign — including to Israel, Greece and Cyprus —Papadopoulos often dropped names of campaign officials and tried to impress people with his connections, Kakaounaki said in her stories and in interviews.

"All this time, I inform him of the Greek and Cypriot issues,” he also said, in one reported remark after Trump won the election, “but the positions or the strategy that will follow in the White House are not finalized."

Two weeks before the election, Papadopoulos informed the journalists that he had “left the campaign” because he had “done his piece.” A week later, however, he said he had come back to the campaign, but that he had to follow the campaign directive that no one was to talk about anything but the FBI investigation into Hillary Clinton’s emails.

And two days before the election, Papadopoulos attended a campaign event in Astoria hosted by a local association representing Greek Cypriot Americans.

“Mr. Trump considered it important to come and talk to you,” he told the crowd in his introduction, before sitting and nodding approvingly when the rally organizer spoke, according to the Kathimerini story.

Earlier this year, as Trump prepared for his inauguration, Papadopoulos boasted to the reporters that he had Trump's ear, was on the transition team and that Trump had written him a "blank check" for whatever position in the administration he wanted.

After serving the next eight years in the Trump administration, he said, he planned to move to Greece to work on energy issues of mutual interest to the U.S. and Greece.

Kyle Cheney contributed to this story.

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Black Panther

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Wakanda

fact

Fukk you thought it was?
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How you gonna ROFL with a hollow back?
This Franken tweet by the piece of shyt is gaining steam, his long con is wrapped up, he achieved his goal, he is way to comfortable out here, in this current environment, the momentum is slowing down for his supporters. The minute that we are ready to sacrifice Slick Willy, all the momentum will be on our side. Throw this sexual deviant Bill C to the wolves, now!
 

CSquare43

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I think Trump he's making it hot for for ppl trying to hide their money on purpose. Somebody big up the food chain is cap this fool for exposing all this attention on shady LLCs in foreign banks. The collateral damage he'll do to the elites is huge. All because son wasn't accepted by Manhattan elites :lolbron:


I think you used the wrong smilie.... :troll:

So you think that Trump is purposefully making the block hot even though he and his cronies will very likely (read: most definitely) be caught up in the trap too?
 

Mantis Toboggan M.D.

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I think you used the wrong smilie.... :troll:

So you think that Trump is purposefully making the block hot even though he and his cronies will very likely (read: most definitely) be caught up in the trap too?
He’s the type so resentful of the fact that he’s going to die one day (even though everyone else will too in some way or another), that he seemingly wants to bring everyone else down on the sinking ship with him. Look at the fact that he’s got us on the brink of nuclear war because a foreign leader essentially won’t bow to him. This is why you don’t give the presidency to the kid who’d rather break his own toys than share with the other kids. Even if democracy survives his all out assault on it, the damage he’s done and will do going forward will take generations to undo.
 

Grano-Grano

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I think you used the wrong smilie.... :troll:

So you think that Trump is purposefully making the block hot even though he and his cronies will very likely (read: most definitely) be caught up in the trap too?

They have too. Think of this, if you know you did the collusion, then when the feds are on you, the only solution is bring everybody else whose crooked down with you. Why you think during the election, the deep state and elite of both sides, consolidated around Hillary?
 
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