Laura Peterson, third name from top, a lobbyist for the pesticide maker Syngenta, signed in at the Interior Department to meet Scott Cameron, a member of the department’s deregulation team, in March.
In many cases, the administration has refused to say whether appointees to Mr. Trump’s deregulation teams have done either.
One such appointee is Samantha Dravis, the chairwoman of the deregulation team at the E.P.A., who was a top official at the Republican Attorneys General Association. Ms. Dravis was also president of the Rule of Law Defense Fund, which brought together energy companies and Republican attorneys general to file lawsuits against the federal government over Obama-era environmental regulations.
The Republican association’s work
has been criticized as a vehicle for corporate donors to gain the credibility and expertise of state attorneys general in fighting federal regulations. Donors include the American Petroleum Institute, the energy company ConocoPhillips and the coal giant Alpha Natural Resources.
The Republican association also received funding from Freedom Partners, backed by the conservative billionaires Charles G. and David H. Koch. Ms. Dravis worked for that group as well, which recently identified
regulations it wants eliminated. Among them are E.P.A. rules relating to clean-water protections and restrictions on greenhouse gas emissions.
Liz Bowman, an E.P.A. spokeswoman, declined to say whether Ms. Dravis had recused herself from issues dealing with previous employers or their backers, or had discussed regulations with any of them.
“As you will find when you receive Samantha’s calendar, she has met with a range of stakeholders, including nonprofits, industry groups and others, on a wide range of issues,” Ms. Bowman said.
Ms. Bowman said the calendar could be obtained through a public records request. ProPublica and The Times had already filed a request for records including calendars, but the agency’s response did not include those documents. (An appeal was filed, but the calendar has not yet been released.)
“We take our ethics responsibilities seriously,” Ms. Bowman said. “All political staff have had an ethics briefing and know their obligations.”
Addressing the agency’s regulatory efforts, she said, “We are here to enact a positive environmental agenda that provides real results to the American people, without unnecessarily hamstringing our economy.”
At the Agriculture Department, the only known appointee to the deregulation team is Rebeckah Adcock. She previously lobbied the department as a top executive both at CropLife America, a trade association for pesticide makers, and the American Farm Bureau Federation, a trade group for farmers.
The department deals with many issues involving farmers, including crop insurance and land conservation rules, but it would not disclose whether Ms. Adcock had recused herself from discussions affecting her past employers.
At the Energy Department, a member of the deregulation team is Brian McCormack, who formerly handled political and external affairs for Edison Electric Institute, a trade association representing investor-owned electrical utilities.
While there, Mr. McCormack
worked with the American Legislative Exchange Council, an industry-funded group. Both organizations fought against rooftop solar policies in statehouses across the country. Utility companies lose money when customers generate their own power, even more so when they are required to pay consumers who send surplus energy back into the grid.
Though the Energy Department does not directly regulate electrical utilities, it does help oversee international electricity trade, the promotion of renewable energy and the security of domestic energy production. After joining the department, Mr. McCormack helped start a review of the nation’s electrical grid, according to an agency memo.
Clean-energy advocates fear the inquiry will cast
solar energy, which can fluctuate, as a threat to grid reliability. Such a finding could scare off state public utility commissions considering solar policies and serve as a boon for electrical utilities, said Matt Kasper, research director at the Energy and Policy Institute, an environmental group.
Disclosure records show that while Mr. McCormack was at Edison, the trade group lobbied the federal government, including the Energy Department, on issues including grid reliability.
Samantha Dravis, chairwoman of the E.P.A.’s deregulation team, was a top official at the industry-funded Republican Attorneys General Association. The agency has refused to disclose whether she has discussed regulatory changes with any donors. Gage Skidmore
The department would not answer questions about Mr. McCormack’s involvement with those issues.
Across the government, at least two appointees to deregulation teams have been granted
waivers from ethics rules related to prior jobs, and at least nine others have pledged to recuse themselves from issues related to former employers or clients.
Some of the recusals involve appointees at the Small Business Administration and the Education Department, including Bob Eitel, who leads the education team and was vice president for regulatory legal services at an operator of for-profit colleges.
Another recusal involves Byron Brown, an E.P.A. appointee who is married to a senior government affairs manager for the Hess Corporation, the oil and gas company.
Hess was fined and ordered to spend more than $45 million on pollution controls by the E.P.A. during the Obama administration because of alleged
Clean Air Actviolations at its refinery in Port Reading, N.J. Disclosure records show that Mr. Brown’s wife, Lesley Schaaff, lobbied the E.P.A. last year on behalf of the company.
An E.P.A. spokeswoman declined to say whether Mr. Brown or Ms. Schaaff owned Hess stock, though an agency ethics official said Mr. Brown had recused himself from evaluating regulations affecting the company.
The agency declined to say whether Mr. Brown would also recuse himself from issues affecting the American Petroleum Institute, where his wife’s company is a member. The association has lobbied to ease Obama-era
natural gas rules, complaining in a recent letter to Mr. Brown’s team about an “unprecedented level of federal regulatory actions targeting our industry.”
Before being selected to lead the deregulation team at the
Department of Housing and Urban Development, Maren Kasper was a director at Roofstock, an online marketplace for investors in single-family rental properties. Financial disclosure records show that Ms. Kasper owned a stake in the company worth up to $50,000.
Changes at HUD could increase investor interest in rental homes, affecting a company like Roofstock. The agency, for example, oversees the federal government’s Section 8 subsidies program for low-income renters.
The Gateway Generating station, an investor-owned power plant in Antioch, Calif., is represented by the Edison Electric Institute trade association. Brian McCormack, who used to work for that lobbying group, is now on the deregulatory team at the Energy Department. Jim Wilson/The New York Times
Ethics officials allowed Ms. Kasper to keep her stake, but she pledged not to take actions that would affect it. (A spokesman for HUD said Ms. Kasper’s tenure on the deregulation task force had since ended.)
The Assault on Red Tape
One by one, scientists, educators and environmental activists approached the microphone and urged government officials not to weaken regulations intended to protect children from lead.
The forum, run by the E.P.A. in a drab basement meeting room in Washington, was part of the agency’s push to identify regulations that were excessive and burdensome to businesses.
Few businesspeople showed up. As public hearings on regulations have played out in recent weeks, many industry and corporate representatives have instead met with Trump administration officials behind closed doors.
Still, the E.P.A. has asked for written comments and held about a dozen public meetings. The agency has received more than 467,000 comments, many of them critical of potential rollbacks, but also some from businesses large and small pleading for relief from regulatory costs or confusion.
After a quiet moment at the meeting to discuss lead regulations, the owner of a local painting company, Brian McCracken, moved to the microphone.
Mr. McCracken was frustrated by what he described as costly rules that forced him to test for lead-based paint in homes before he could begin painting. Each test kit costs about $2, and he may need six per room. If a family then declines to hire him, those costs come out of his pocket.
“I don’t think anyone is sitting here saying that lead-based dust does not hurt children,” he said. “That’s not what we are talking about. What the contractor needs is a better way to test.”
Mr. Cameron, of the Interior Department’s deregulatory group, founded a nonprofit funded by Syngenta, the pesticide maker whose products include Gramoxone. One of his first meetings was with a Syngenta lobbyist.Nathan C. Ward for The New York Times
His voice quavered: “Why do I have to educate the general public about the hazards that generations before me created? It doesn’t make sense at all.”
Mr. Trump is not the first president to take on such frustrations.
President Bill Clinton declared that the federal government was failing to regulate “without imposing unacceptable or unreasonable costs on society.” He assigned Vice President Al Gore to collect agencies’ suggestions for rules that should go. One rule dictated how to measure the consistency of grits.
President George W. Bush’s regulatory overhaul focused more on how new regulations were created. The administration installed a political appointee inside each agency who generally had to sign off before any significant new rule could be initiated. At the E.P.A. for a time, that official came from an industry-funded think tank.
President Barack Obama ordered regular updates from each agency about the effectiveness of rules already on the books.
“When you raise the profile, when it’s clearly an executive priority, it gets attention,” said Heather Krause, director of strategic issues at the
Government Accountability Office, the main auditor of the federal government. According to the auditor’s analysis, the effect under Mr. Obama was mostly to clarify and streamline rules, not eliminate them.
Like Mr. Bush, Mr. Trump has empowered political appointees. Though some agencies have included career staff members on their review teams, an executive order from Mr. Trump creating the teams does not require it — nonpolitical employees are generally believed to be more wedded to existing rules. And like Mr. Obama, Mr. Trump has imposed regular reporting requirements.
But Mr. Trump, who spent his business career on the other side of government regulations, has put an emphasis on cutting old rules.
The same day he signed the executive order initiating the review, he addressed a large crowd of conservative activists at a Maryland convention center.
“We have begun a historic program to reduce the regulations that are crushing our economy — crushing,” Mr. Trump said. “We’re going to put the regulations industry out of work and out of business.”
Amit Narang, a regulatory expert at the liberal advocacy group Public Citizen, said Mr. Trump’s decision to create teams of political appointees — formally known as
regulatory reform task forces — should make it easier for the White House to overcome bureaucratic resistance to his rollback plans.
“To the extent there’s a deep state effect in this administration,” Mr. Narang said, “the task force will be more effective in trying to get the agenda in place.”
