Leaked documents reveal Russian effort to exert influence in Africa

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theguardian.com
Leaked documents reveal Russian effort to exert influence in Africa
Jason Burke
8-10 minutes
Russia is seeking to bolster its presence in at least 13 countries across Africa by building relations with existing rulers, striking military deals, and grooming a new generation of “leaders” and undercover “agents”, leaked documents reveal.

The mission to increase Russian influence on the continent is being led by Yevgeny Prigozhin, a businessman based in St Petersburg who is a close ally of the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. One aim is to “strong-arm” the US and the former colonial powers the UK and France out of the region. Another is to see off “pro-western” uprisings, the documents say.

In 2018 the US special counsel Robert Mueller indicted Prigozhin, who is known as “Putin’s chef” because of his Kremlin catering contracts. According to Mueller, his troll factory ran an extensive social media campaign in 2016 to help elect Donald Trump. The Wagner group – a private military contractor linked to Prigozhin – has supplied mercenaries to fight in Ukraine and Syria.

The documents show the scale of Prigozhin-linked recent operations in Africa, and Moscow’s ambition to turn the region into a strategic hub. Multiple firms linked to the oligarch, including Wagner, are known by employees as the “Company”. Its activities are coordinated with senior officials inside Russia’s foreign and defence ministries, the documents suggest.

Putin showed little interest in Africa in the 2000s. But western sanctions imposed in 2014 over the annexation of Crimea have driven Moscow to seek new geopolitical friends and business opportunities.

Russia has a military presence and peacekeeping mission in Central African Republic. CAR is described as “strategically important” and a “buffer zone between the Muslim north and Christian south”. It allows Moscow to expand “across the continent”, and Russian companies to strike lucrative mineral deals, the documents say.

On 24 May the Kremlin announced it was dispatching a team of army specialists to the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo. According to Dmitry Peskov, Putin’s press spokesman, they will service Russian-made military equipment. So far Moscow has signed military cooperation deals with about 20 African states.

Five days later the Kremlin said it would host the first ever Russia-Africa summit in October in the Black Sea resort of Sochi. Putin and Egypt’s president, Abdel Fatah al-Sisi, will chair the event. About 50 African leaders are due to attend. The aim is to foster political, economic and cultural cooperation.

The leaked documents were obtained by the Dossier Center, an investigative unit based in London. The centre is funded by Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the Russian businessman and exiled Kremlin critic.

Prigozhin has been approached for comment. He has previously denied any links to the troll factory and has said of Wagner that it does not exist. Putin has previously said that entities linked to Prigozhin do not constitute the Russian state.

A map from December 2018 seen by the Guardian shows the level of cooperation between the “Company” and African governments, country by country. Symbols indicate military, political and economic ties, police training, media and humanitarian projects, and “rivalry with France”. Five is the highest level; one is the lowest.

The closest relations are with CAR, Sudan and Madagascar – all put at five. Libya, Zimbabwe and South Africa are listed as four, according to the map, with South Sudan at three, and DRC, Chad and Zambia at two.

Other documents cite Uganda, Equatorial Guinea and Mali as “countries where we plan to work”. Libya and Ethiopia are flagged as nations “where cooperation is possible”. The Kremlin has recently stepped up its ground operation in Libya. Last November the Libyan commander Khalifa Haftar travelled to Moscow and met the defence minister, Sergei Shoigu. Prigozhin was spotted at the talks. Egypt is described as “traditionally supportive”.


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The graphic gives an overview of “Company” activities and achievements. It claims credit in CAR for getting of rid of politicians who are “orientated to France”, including national assembly representatives and the foreign minister. This appears to be Charles-Armel Doubane, sacked in December. It has “strengthened” the army and set up newspapers and a radio station. Russia is an “83% friend”, it says.

In Madagascar the new president, Andry Rajoelina, won election with “the Company’s support”, the map says. Russia “produced and distributed the island’s biggest newspaper, with 2 million copies a month”, it adds. Rajoelina denies receiving assistance.

Another key territory is Sudan. Last year Russian specialists drew up a programme of political and economic reform, designed to keep President Omar al-Bashir in power. It included a plan to smear anti-government protesters, apparently copy-pasted from tactics used at home against the anti-Putin opposition. (One memo mistakenly says “Russia” instead of “Sudan”.)

One ploy was to use fake news and videos to portray demonstrators in Khartoum and other Sudanese cities as “anti-Islam”, “pro-Israel” and “pro-LGBT”. The government was told to increase the price of newsprint – to make it harder for critics to get their message out – and to discover “foreigners” at anti-government rallies.

In a leaked letter Prigozhin wrote to Bashir complaining that the president had not actually followed through on the advice. Prigozhin mentioned “lack of activity” by the Sudanese government and its “extremely cautious position”.

The military deposed Bashir in April in a coup. Last week Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces opened fire on pro-democracy protesters, killing over a hundred. The Russian advisers had urged Sudan’s military council to suppress the activists with “minimal but acceptable loss of life”, one former regime source told CNN.

Meanwhile, Moscow is keen to exploit a long-running territorial dispute in Comoros, the documents say. France directly controls one out of four of the Indian Ocean islands, Mayotte. In 2018 Prigozhin employees flew to Comoros via Belarus. Their objective was to test if “political technologies” might be used to inflame the row between Paris and the Comoros government.

Other suggestions in the documents include trans-African road and rail-building schemes. A railway could be built linking Dakar in Senegal with Port Sudan in Sudan, along the “old hajj [pilgrimage] route”. A separate 2,300-mile (3,700km) toll road was proposed connecting Port Sudan with Douala in Cameroon. Neither has so far happened.

A plan to revive “pan-African consciousness” appears closely modelled on the idea of Russkiy Mir, or Russian world. The concept has become fashionable under Putin and signifies Russian power and culture extended beyond current borders.

One working paper is titled “African world”. It calls for a developing “African self-identity”. It recommends collecting a database of Africans living in the US and Europe, which might be used to groom “future leaders” and “agents of influence”. The eventual goal is a “loyal chain of representatives across African territory”, the March 2018 paper says.

More immediate practical measures include setting up Russian-controlled non-governmental organisations in African states and organising local meetings.

It is unclear how many Prigozhin initiatives have actually gone forward. There is evidence that media projects mentioned in the documents are now up and running – albeit with marginal impact. They include a website, Africa Daily Voice, with its HQ in Morocco, and a French-language news service, Afrique Panorama, based in Madagascar’s capital Antananarivo.

Russian operatives also offer thoughts on global politics. One policy paper, titled “Russian influence in Africa”, says Moscow needs to find “reliable partners among African states” and should establish military bases.
 
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☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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theguardian.com
Pragmatism and ideology drive Kremlin's interest in Africa
Luke Harding

6-7 minutes





Attempts to make Africa a zone of influence recall Soviet-era activity on the continent




Vladimir Putin’s recent interest in Africa is driven in part by western sanctions that have put pressure on Russia to find new markets. Photograph: Mikhail Svetlov/Getty Images

In spring 2018 a group of foreigners flew to Madagascar. They had not come to see the island’s lemurs or wildlife. The visitors were undercover Russian political consultants. Their mission was to help Madagascar’s ruling president Hery Rajaonarimampianina – or “piano”, as they named him for reasons of brevity – to win re-election.

The plan did not work. Last November the incumbent president failed to make it into a run-off vote. Other Russian-supported candidates did badly. Late in the day Moscow threw its support behind the eventual winner, Andry Rajoelina, who has denied receiving any Russian assistance or money. But after six months on the ground the operatives who arrived on tourist visas went home with little to show for their efforts.

The trip was part of a wider effort by the Kremlin to expand its influence in Africa. Moscow is seeking to build alliances with incumbent leaders, and more broadly with political, military and business figures. The goal is to shore up existing power – and to snuff out pro-western uprisings or revolutions – using a tested playbook of Kremlin dirty tricks.

Typically, Moscow offers a “package” to African rulers. This might include political and media advisers to help with elections, together with long-term military assistance and training. In return, Russia seeks concessions in mining for gold and other precious minerals, and oil and gas contracts, as well as transnational railway and road-building deals.

The man leading these initiatives is Yevgeny Prigozhin, a St Petersburg businessman. Entities linked to Prigozhin have undertaken various tasks on the Kremlin’s behalf – from sabotaging the US election in 2016 using trolls, to sending mercenaries to fight in Ukraine and Syria.

Prigozhin’s latest assignment is to make Africa a zone of Russian influence, as it was in Soviet times. During the cold war, the USSR supported liberation movements in the developing world and backed insurgent communist guerrillas fighting in Angola, Algeria and what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). When the Soviet Union collapsed Moscow’s influence faded.

Vladimir Putin’s recent interest in Africa is in large part pragmatic. Western sanctions on Russia’s economy mean that Moscow is keen to find new markets and to strike new partnerships. Its interests – according to leaked documents – range from gold in Sudan, to phosphates and mineral resources in Mauritania, to diamonds in DRC.

There is an ideological dimension too. Putin sees Russia as a great power – with interests across the globe, stretching from the former Soviet “near abroad”, to the Middle East, Africa and Latin America. It is – or should be – an indispensable player in world affairs. Its views have to be taken into account, on Iran’s nuclear programme, a peace settlement in Ukraine, and much else.

In their bid for influence in Africa, operatives linked to Prigozhin have dusted down Soviet rhetoric. Their support for existing rulers is portrayed as an anti-colonial struggle. In Madagascar, the Russians organised a demonstration outside the embassy of the former colonial power, France. They even laid on a tame orator, who reportedly shouted: “Africans trust Russia more than America or France!”, the BBC and others reported.

The sprawling operations in Africa have an important advantage for the Kremlin: they are deniable. Last year at a press conference with Donald Trump in Helsinki, Putin said Prigozhin’s catering company Concord – accused of running the notorious troll factory – had nothing to do with the state. Few think this is true. Prigozhin has “extensive business dealings” with the Russian defence ministry, the US Treasury said in December 2016.

Under Trump, the US appears to have given up on its global leadership role. As America pulls back, Russia seeks to fill the vacuum, casting itself as a crusader for African identity and self-determination.
 

panopticon

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I mean...this is no different from what any other major country does :manny:

The US has its own preferred political candidates in other countries' elections (look into the National Endowment for Democracy and the work of Gene Sharp if you want to know more), puts pressure on its allies to purchase American-manufactured arms, etc. :manny:


Geopolitics is a dirty, dangerous and zero-sum game :francis:
 

Wildhundreds

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If Russia is really the Medes of the bible, then they're working as prophesied..
 

☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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Why do you care? You said Fukk Africa few years ago. :camby:
That’s not actually what I said.

I was frustrated AT THAT TIME that people weren’t focusing on black American issues and I was angry entire nations were not doing enough to support an African diaspora especially one as independent and relatively wealthy as the black American diaspora in the way other foreign nations support their communities in America.
 
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