9/11 Commission report on 2004 private meeting with Bush/Cheney is made public

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Nearly two decades after President George W. Bush and Vice President dikk Cheney answered questions for the 9/11 Commission in a closed gathering in the Oval Office, a 31-page “summary” of what they had to say finally has been made public.

Neither Bush nor Cheney was under oath during the three-hour meeting on April 29, 2004. And the summary shows it was a generally relaxed, non-adversarial and largely superficial get-together during which no significant new insights were gleaned.

Yet the summary does yield Bush’s forceful, nonpublic opinion that he “didn’t see much point in assigning personal blame for 9/11.”

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Kristen Breitweiser, bottom, and Sharon Premoli
The president’s admonition, uttered as he was running for re-election, would not have played well with thousands of 9/11 survivors and the families of the murdered – who were then near top of mind with many American voters, Republicans and Democrats alike.

“It would have been pure outrage,” 9/11 widow and activist Kristen Breitweiser told Florida Bulldog. “We felt that in the face of nearly 3,000 dead bodies in lower Manhattan that people would have been held accountable.”

“This document makes my blood boil,” said Sharon Premoli, who was in her office on the 80th floor of the North Tower of the World Trade Center when the first plane struck on September 11, 2001 and was later pulled from the wreckage. “That our lives were in the hands of these incompetents is chilling and [explains] why 3,000 were murdered, 6,000 injured.”

A LACK OF ACCOUNTABILITY​

The lack of accountability, Breitweiser said, is exemplified by Bush’s decision to retain then-CIA boss George Tenet amid significant public criticism. “Why leave the director of the Central Intelligence Agency in place when he had utterly failed to synthesize information in the pipeline about the attacks? Is anyone surprised there was [later] bad intelligence in the war on Iraq?”

Tenet retired in July 2004. Five months later, Bush awarded Tenet the Presidential Medal of Freedom – the nation’s highest civilian honor.

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President Bush after bestowing the Presidential Medal of Freedom on retired CIA DIrector George Tenet in December 2004. Photo: Wikimedia Commons via the White House
Said Breitweiser, “Tenet is a very good example of why it was important to hold people accountable, not for political reasons, but to make the nation safe. You can’t fix problems and make sure it doesn’t happen again if you don’t have accountability. That was the families’ mandate to the commission.”

Breitweiser was a leader of the 9/11 Family Steering Committee, an organization that had pushed a reluctant Bush to create the 9/11 Commission. The steering committee urged 9/11 Commission Chair Thomas Kean and Vice Chair Lee Hamilton to ask Bush, alone and in sworn public testimony, a list of tough, probing questions, including: “Why was our nation so utterly unprepared for an attack on our own soil?” and “Why no one in any level of our government has yet been held accountable for the countless failures leading up to and on 9/11?”

TOWING TO BUSH’S LINE​

Those suggested questions, and many others, were not asked, according to the summary prepared by 9/11 Commission Executive Director Philip Zelikow.

The summary, titled a “Memorandum for the Record” (MFR), does offer glimpses that might explain the ostensibly independent 9/11 Commission’s decision to tow the president’s line regarding the central question of accountability, as it declared in the preface to the 9/11 Commission report: “Our aim has not been to assign individual blame.”

For example, the summary says commission member Richard Ben-Veniste, who gained fame in the 1970s as a leading Watergate prosecutor, declared reassuringly during the Oval Office meeting that “the President and the Commission were on the same team.”

An enlightening compilation of film clips of President Bush’s less-than-illuminating remarks to reporters immediately after the meeting, interspersed with C-SPAN coverage of the contemporary reaction to the meeting, can be viewed here. It was compiled by longtime Philadelphia-based 9/11 activist Jon Gold, and includes several of Gold’s opinions at the end.

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9/11 Commission Chairman Thomas Kean, left, and Vice Chairman Lee Hamilton on “Meet the Press” in 2006.
The summary discloses that Bush’s public slipperiness followed a meeting of the minds at the conclusion of the Oval Office gathering.

“The President quickly reviewed what he intended to say about the meeting to the press. Chairman Kean described the similar, and equally non-substantive, plan for Commission comments. The meeting then concluded,” Zelikow wrote.

The meeting summary, classified as “secret/sensitive,” was released Wednesday by the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel (ISCAP), an obscure body comprised of various government entities that – like the Freedom of Information process – can be used by the public to obtain a review of national security-classified records.

Except for 16 small portions, the summary was declassified after ISCAP’s slow-motion Mandatory Declassification Review. The MDR was sought by Erik Larson, a Washington, D.C. area 9/11 researcher. Larson made the request 10 years ago, in 2012.

OTHER KEY COMMISSION RECORDS STILL HIDDEN

Thousands of additional 9/11 Commission records stored at the National Archives, including interviews with FBI and CIA agents, remain classified in whole or in part. The Public Interest Declassification Board, an advisory committee established by Congress to promote public access, last year urged President Joe Biden to prioritize the release of certain Commission records, including the Bush/Cheney Oval Office interview:

  • A 7,000-word report created by Zelikow and Commissioner Jamie Gorelick, “which provides a summary and analysis of information contained in the President’s Daily Briefs from the Clinton and Bush administrations pertaining to al Qaida’s efforts to conduct terrorist attacks leading up to 9/11.”
  • Interviews with President Bill Clinton and Vice President Al Gore.
  • Interviews with various National Security Advisors and government terrorism experts, Condoleezza Rice, Sandy Berger, Richard Clarke and former CIA officer Michael Scheuer.
Zelikow’s drafting of the summary of the Bush/Cheney interview included several literary flourishes to set the scene.

Bush and Cheney
President George W. Bush with Vice President dikk Cheney in the Oval Office. Photo: National Archives
“The President and Vice President were seated in chairs in front of the fireplace. The President’s demeanor throughout was relaxed. He answered questions without notes,” Zelikow wrote. “The portrait of Washington was over the fireplace, which was flanked by busts of Lincoln and Churchill. Paintings of southwestern landscapes are on the wall. It was a beautiful spring day.”

The commissioners and the president’s counsel, future Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, were on sofas and chairs. Zelikow and a couple of White House underlings sat against a wall.

Kean began the questioning with an inquiry about how Bush viewed his role as he was receiving ominous threat reports in the spring and summer of 2001. Bush explained his White House routine: meeting every day with Tenet, Cheney, then-National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice and staff chief Andrew Card. “They talked about the threats of the day. They assessed them … then (took) up what was being done,” the summary says.

BUSH: I WAS TOLD THREAT WAS OVERSEAS

Kean asked about the now-notorious Aug. 6, 2001 Presidential Daily Briefing (PDB) titled, “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in U.S.” Bush said the briefing followed his request to an analyst for information about Bin Laden and al Qaeda.

“There was only one reference to threats in America during my presidency to that point – and he had asked for it! Not one arrived at his desk,” the summary says awkwardly. Bush added that he and his national security staff saw no “actionable intelligence” in the PDB, which among other things discussed FBI information about “suspicious activity in this country consistent with preparations for hijackings or other types of attacks, including recent surveillance of federal buildings in New York.”

Several times during the meeting, Bush insisted he was never otherwise warned about any domestic threats. “The threat was overseas – that was what George said,” the summary says the president stated.

Bush’s assertion that he wasn’t given any advance information to act upon is galling to 9/11 family members.

“’No actionable intelligence’? Probably because Bush can’t read and refused to heed any of the flashing lights about Saudi officials’ funding of Islamic extremists plotting to murder us,” said survivor Premoli. “The interviewees alternate between the disingenuous, utter incompetence and profound dereliction of duty, Kean and Hamilton included. Notwithstanding the Commission’s investigation into Saudi Arabia’s complicity in 9/11, the report avoided assigning any responsibility to them. And the Bush administration wanted it just that way by time-constraining [the commission’s tenure]. Failure was written into the Commission’s outcome before it began.”

Said Breitweiser, “Bush clearly didn’t pay attention to the warning signs. There’s no plausible reason that people [like future hijackers Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar] weren’t arrested and deported.”

BUSH’S KILL ‘EM ALL STRATEGY

Kean, a former Republican governor of New Jersey, also asked the president why he stayed at a Sarasota elementary school he was visiting on the morning of Sept. 11th after getting word of the second plane hitting the World Trade Center.

“He was collecting his thoughts,” the summary says. “The country was under attack. He was trying to understand what that means.”

Bush apparently hit on a simple approach to protect the country. In response to a question from Vice Chair Hamilton, a former Democratic Indiana congressman, he said, “Killing the terrorists was the best strategy. It was the only way to do it. Kill them before they kill us,” the summary says. “There would be no negotiations, no peace treaty with these people.”

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Osama bin Laden
No commissioner sought to explore the ramifications of Bush’s kill-’em-all approach.

Prior to 9/11 there clearly was no urgency to take out Osama bin Laden – despite a string of terrorist attacks including: the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center, the 1996 Khobar Towers truck bomb attack in Saudi Arabia that killed 19 American soldiers and wounded hundreds of others; the 1998 bombings of U.S. embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam that killed 224, including 12 Americans; the Oct. 12, 2000 suicide bombing of the U.S. guided missile cruiser USS Cole in Aden, Yemen that killed 17 sailors and injured dozens more.

POOR COMMUNICATIONS, CONFUSION, RUMORS

In response to a question from 9/11 Commissioner Jamie Gorelick about whether the CIA had the authority to kill bin Laden, Bush replied that he’d asked Tenet about that during the transition. “When he asked George…can you kill him, his answer was that killing bin Laden wouldn’t disrupt al Qaeda. It was not that he didn’t have the authority to do it,” the summary says.

None of the commission members asked Bush whether bin Laden’s death would have disrupted the 9/11 plot.

Bin Laden lived on until May 2, 2011 when Navy Seals tracked him down and shot him at his hideout in Pakistan. Between 9/11 and that date, al Qaeda or its affiliates carried out more than a dozen terrorist attacks overseas that left hundreds dead.

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9/11 Commission Executive DIrector Philip Zelikow
In the Oval Office meeting, Bush and Cheney both talked about what they saw and heard on Sept. 11, 2001 – the poor communications aboard Air Force One, the confusion and false rumors, including alleged terrorist threats to Bush’s ranch in Crawford, TX and to Air Force One.

From Zelikow’s summary: “The President remembered the confusion when he arrived that afternoon in Nebraska [at Offutt Air Force Base]. He remembered coming into a room full of officers. He spoke briefly to them, that this was a tough day for America. Next, they told him about a flight coming from Madrid and asked for authorization to shoot it down. This was about two minutes after he arrived there. He told them to follow their rules of engagement. Then a few minutes later they told him the plane had landed in Madrid! A lot of confusion. It was troubling to him. It dawned on him – there was an alert, a shoot down order, then the plane is landing in Spain? Had to look into this, a communications problem.”
 
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